Saudi Arabia and Iran did not stop at signing a joint statement sponsored by China on March 10, as meetings of officials at the levels of ministers and ambassadors continued, giving credibility and expression of the real interests of both sides, enhancing the opportunity for regional cooperation and reducing foreign influence. This track is consistent with the continuation of the talks for two years that have seen progress in discussing vital issues and areas, and what we are witnessing these days requires exploring opportunities in the areas of defense security and foreign policy.
Fundamentally, the agreement cannot be separated from the trajectories of change in regional relations, as it is the political backdrop to the current course of events. Since the Al-Ula summit at the beginning of 2020, Saudi Arabia has entered the Gulf House in a sober and accelerated manner, and later, it has submitted a review of its relationship with Turkey. These steps coincided with the escalation of the possibility of war in Ukraine, so Saudi Arabia tended to anticipate the repercussions of the war on the region and build a neutral position that would allow it to avoid potential burdens.
From Iran's point of view, it has long been under Western bombardment and blockade, so it had no choice but to align itself with the Eastern group, particularly the Russian Federation and China, with a desire to open up to regional initiatives in Syria or Yemen.
It is possible to consider that the agreement came in response to dialogues that took place in 2021 and 2022 coordinated by Iraq and the Sultanate of Oman, forming a regional circle for political rapprochement, with the potential to be an influential center in international relations. China's interests in bringing the positions of the two countries closer cannot be ignored, but it is also not the only factor, it can be considered a complement to the common will of both Iran and Saudi Arabia and their desire to overcome the past stage and its burdens, so the agreement derives its strength from understanding on bilateral or collective regional interests.
In addition to acknowledging previous interests and agreements, the content is not a controversial issue in itself, as reservations or ambiguity are often associated with the reluctance of the parties to any agreement towards some points of disagreement, but by reviewing the terms of the joint statement, we find them direct and clear in considering complex issues. This formulation has been reinforced by signs of stability and coherence of the will to improve relations and rise to the level of political commitment. Talk of resuming diplomatic relations, respect for sovereignty and other forms of cooperation is a development of previous agreements, an environment that allows for bilateral and regional cooperation.
While the focus of most commentators was on the content of the joint statement, I believe that Iran and Saudi Arabia are ready to build trust and shift the cost of tension to common interests or a collective formula capable of overcoming the burdens of the past and choosing viable and sustainable policies based on equal responsibility, which will later lead to an atmosphere that reduces the response to external influence, which was high and expensive.
These developments present us with opportunities for regional cooperation or integration, while at the same time overcoming the differences that have prevailed for four decades, on the one hand they go beyond the Carter Doctrine, which has been a major source of many crises, and on the other hand, it opens the way for settling the status of Syria and Yemen and arranging efforts to respond to common challenges.
This step is not expected to be limited to simply re-normalizing relations diplomatically between Saudi Arabia and Iran, but seeks to open the way for a broader partnership in various fields, diplomatic, security, and economic. It has the potential to usher in a geostrategic change to pool the region's capabilities. On the one hand, it gives strong signals of the possibility of getting out of the illusion of sectarian conflict and not considering it a political problem, and on the other hand, the convergence of the two Gulf poles on common interests would eliminate the possibility of escalation or tension and devote themselves to rebuilding policies and interests.
On the way to completing the path of creating opportunities, the value of the agreement lies in the desire of both parties to turn it into measures to resolve potential problems. The Amman meeting on April 4, which included, along with Saudi Arabia and Iran, Syria and Iraq, is itself an indication of the possibility of moving forward with many settlements, which may include Yemen at a later stage. What can be noted here is that the meeting of representatives of the four countries is by its nature inclusive of the regional ring of the Gulf states on both sides, and represents an important element for the rest of the region.
In view of the two countries' acquisition of an influential surplus in international energy trade, which represents the industrial lifeblood of East Asian countries, working to raise the level of political coordination and remove the causes of tension is an important factor in building an international center of influence, whose role is not limited to managing energy trade only, but also works to transform economic capabilities into political advantages, the effects of which will be reflected in determining the international status and competing in the search for a role in supporting the multilateralism of the global system.
With Iraq's participation in the preliminary stages, it is expected to play a pivotal role in regional rapprochements. In light of regional settlements, we will be facing independent interactions far from the entrances of international influence, and here, two important factors can be mentioned: hosting the Iraqi embassy in the city of Muscat, and the presence of Iraq, the first trade partner of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, among the Arab countries. This situation supports the possibility of regional actors with the potential to provide guarantees for stable relations and reduce the need for assistance from distant parties.
Despite the seeming divergence with the United States and Europe on the one hand, and rapprochement with Russia and China on the other, regional powers have the potential to build leverage in international relations and trade. Having a sponsor of the agreement does not mean entering into alliances and solidarity with its causes, but can be used to position itself properly in a turbulent international environment.
The opportunity to seek to form a regional group or bloc under the slogan and goal of developing common gains instead of tension can be explained through the integration of regional needs, perhaps the most important of which is strengthening the neutrality towards international conflicts, in a way that helps undermine the effects of the US blockade on Iran, and meet the needs of Saudi Arabia to proceed with modernization policies and make optimal use of resources. Perhaps the main importance of such trends is that they coincide with a possible transition in the structure of international power, making it more capable of political and economic positioning.