A lightning crowd of Naples students outside the Oriental University building in solidarity with the Palestinian people (Getty Images)
It seems – as I mentioned in my previous article – that the aggression against Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank does not have a single context, but multiple contexts, which may seem separate at times, but are intertwined and intersecting in many cases, and their scope extends and their impact extends beyond the land of Palestine.
In the ongoing aggression, a number of phenomena have crystallized that deserve to be questioned about their future; they are globalized and will largely shape the developments of the Palestinian cause, the features of the region and the shape of the world.
First: The future of the z, y and alpha generation
For many years, there was a prevailing idea that the younger generations born at the end of the last century (specifically 1996) and after it – called the TikTok generation – have no interest in the public sphere.
This perception stems from the belief – with globalization tightening its grip – that young people in the region may become more disconnected from their religious identity, historical roots and national affiliations.
What is truly remarkable is that the leaders of the Palestinian anti-Israeli narratives are the young people of generation Z, Y and Alpha. By leveraging social media and speaking directly to their peer groups, they conveyed the grievances of the Palestinian people to the world.
Many had limited knowledge of Palestine, but their sense of justice and human dimension fueled their collective anger against Israel's ethnic cleansing and genocide, supplementing their knowledge through online content.
The younger generation plays a crucial role in raising awareness about the Palestinian issue and motivating people around the world to reflect their anger. They have benefited from innovative ways to maintain the relevance of the Palestinian narrative globally.
It is noticeable that the division, as in the United States, for example, over the Palestinian issue is no longer on a partisan basis, but on generational lines. Polls show that this generation is more skeptical of Israeli policy toward Palestinians than older Americans.
According to a poll conducted a few months before the Hamas attack, American millennials are the first generation in history to sympathize with Palestinians more than Israelis.
In the UK, people aged 18 to 34 are also more supportive of Palestinians (23%) than Israelis (7%). It is almost the opposite for those aged 55 to 75.
The Palestinian cause is already prepared for Generation Z and its younger peers, and in a language familiar to them, because it is mostly against the PA, any authority, and against settler colonialism, and it is dominated by the left. One of the hallmarks of these generations is the deep skepticism of established authorities that disseminate "official narratives."
These generations are the largest population in the region, and their perceptions, ideas, mechanisms of action, and interaction with the public sphere will largely shape the future.
A woman uses social media on her mobile phone to support Palestinian protests (Reuters)
Its effectiveness was evident in the Arab Spring uprisings in its multiple waves, as well as in the phenomenon of Assad's den in the West Bank, which transcended partisan and ideological affiliations and the Palestinian division. Despite all this, the research interest in monitoring this phenomenon is very limited, which raises many questions:
First, how is the consciousness of this generation formed, and from what sources? What are the characteristics and characteristics of his political practice in a broad sense?
This generation approaches politics from a standpoint that is not ideological, and is able to transcend the traditional political divisions that governed previous political and intellectual work.
This generation suffers from the weakness of political structures and civil society organizations, and despite this, it is able to exert pressure on the policymaker and decision-maker, but the structure of power and the weight of existing institutions limit the impact of these pressures on the decision-making and policies applied.
Will these young people seep into the decision-making areas of these institutions – as happened to the 1968 generation in Europe – or will they continue to operate from outside the existing institutions?
Studies show that 46% of these young people in the United States refuse to work in the private or government sector, and are looking to start their own businesses. Does this approach apply to the region's youth?
The concept of "intersectionality" provided a solution on which they had something in common: instead of making a hard effort to choose your position on each issue on demand, you can instead choose the specific list: climate justice is racial justice, LGBTQ justice, reproductive justice, Palestinian justice.
These generations rely heavily on social media tools with all their characteristics and features, but social media oversimplifies everything that is complex and complex of multiple elements, and leads to polarization and isolation. The loudest voices are the most extreme.
Social media—which many say has helped them better understand events—has also exhausted them, keeping them away from friends.
Conspiracy theories are common, and while bias has become obsolete for today's youth, conspiracy theories have become commonplace, and pressure is mounting for bias.
With these and other characteristics, what will be the psychological and intellectual traits of the generations that adhered to them and knew through them?
Second: Questioning the Future of International Public Opinion in Support of the Palestinians
The demonstrations in support of Palestinians included several components: the left, Jews – especially non-Zionist youth – feminist movements and indigenous people, as well as blacks and LGBT people, and of course Arabs and Muslims, along with a number of academics and public figures. What brought this diaspora together?
These groups embrace the idea that power tells you everything you need to know about who is right, who is wrong, they believe that power analysis is the key to justice, and the arguments of marginalized groups are treated as legitimate.
The concept of "intersectionality" provided a solution on which they had something in common: instead of making a hard effort to choose your position on each issue on demand, you can instead choose the specific list: climate justice is racial justice, LGBTQ justice, reproductive justice, Palestinian justice.
"Intersectionality" breeds consensus; if you oppose any of these issues, you risk suggesting to your colleagues that you oppose others, which means you're a bad person.
The attitudes of various Latin American (and developed) countries toward Israel are heavily influenced by the ideological composition of their governments, as well as the demographic composition of their population. Left-wing administrations tend to criticize Israel more than their conservative counterparts.
The Jewish and Palestinian components of each country play a role in the position of their government. Chile is home to the largest Palestinian diaspora outside the Middle East, with an estimated 500,200 Palestinians living in the country. Argentina is home to the largest Jewish population in South America, with nearly <>,<> members living in the country.
Democratic Party aides in the U.S. Congress differ from their superiors on the war on the Palestinians. There is a wave of current and former employees, mostly from the younger generation, calling for a ceasefire and speaking out against the positions of their superiors.
More than 500 U.S. officials have signed a letter protesting Biden's policy toward Israel, and the signatories, representing about 40 government agencies, reflect growing domestic opposition over the administration's support for Israel's military campaign in Gaza.
But Washington's political system is unrelenting. While public opinion is increasingly divided, the government, Congress, and traditional media appear to be on the same page in suppressing any dissenting opinion in support of Israel.
A number of Western intellectuals wrote in response to their Arab counterparts: "We share with you the fundamental moral values of human civilization.
It is urgent to enforce a ceasefire, end the water and electricity blockade, and ensure the safe passage of humanitarian trucks trying to assist the families of Palestinian victims in the Strip.
Beyond the stifling state of emergency, these terrible events force us to make room not only for emotion, but for reason as well. Yes, we need wisdom, and we as intellectuals have a responsibility to defend the rights of the Palestinian people, whatever the circumstances."
A few French ambassadors to the Middle East also protested Macron's policy in support of the Zionist entity.
I wrote early after my release from prison: "Protesters of the world, unite." My point of view – at the time and still is – was the unity of the arenas of struggle at the international level because of its common causes and aspiration towards general human values. According to this vision, we must place our struggles in the region at their common global level.
Since the beginning of the third millennium, we have witnessed various struggles and protests, which have taken the character of waves that sometimes escalate and fade, in which demonstrators express their anger at police brutality, corruption, crony capitalism, the arrogance of those in power and the manipulation of politics, the weakness of political institutions in representing the people and their collective marginalization, the exacerbation of inequalities in wealth, income and opportunities, and the imbalance of gender equality.
The list goes on to include Palestine and before that the 2003 Iraq war, but what unites them is a global humanitarian demand for dignity, justice and freedom.
The war on Gaza has confirmed the solidarity of public opinion in many Western countries in a clear rivalry with their governments, or at least in a clear division within some countries, such as in France, the United States, Canada and Britain.
These phenomena and dynamics invite us to question their future at the global level in light of the concepts that unite them. What is our relationship with this phenomenon in the region in light of organizational weakness and the absence of intellectual and analytical frameworks that allow us to realize the common between these components in its reflection on our Arab reality?
Last but not least, what impact will this movement have on the rediscovery of common humanity in light of the violation of the values on which it was founded and the double standards followed by many Western governments?
What I would like to emphasize in conclusion: we live in an eclectic world. While political leaders tend to look at today's world through the lens of competing ideological and political regimes (Palestinians), where they are with or against the West, with or against democracy, with or against the free world... , confirms the results of a public opinion poll
People around the world prefer selective arrangements instead, where they and their governments can practically choose their partners depending on the issue at hand.
We entered an eclectic world, where you can mix and reconcile your partners on different issues, rather than subscribing to a specific list of loyalty to one side or the other.
Political action will not be effective if it is framed in opposing binaries: bipolar: whoever is not with us is against us.