The mobilization against the justice reform project defended by the government of Benjamin Netanyahu and his far-right allies is not weakening in Israel.
Quite the contrary.
Monday, February 20, several tens of thousands of demonstrators are gathered near the Parliament in Jerusalem, where a first reading vote is to take place in the evening on this law considered dangerous for democracy by its detractors.
A week earlier, a monster demonstration had taken place in front of Parliament as the examination of part of the articles of the law began.
In parallel with the mobilization around the Knesset on Saturday, and for the seventh consecutive week, thousands of Israelis also demonstrated in several cities of the country against this project announced in early January by the Minister of Justice, Yariv Levin.
Deemed necessary by the Prime Minister and his allies to restore a balanced balance of power between elected officials and the judiciary, this project includes in particular the introduction of a "derogation" clause offering the possibility to Parliament to cancel by simple majority a decision of the Supreme Court.
The latter would also see its independence called into question since the text must allow the political power to directly appoint the judges sitting in the jurisdiction.
A "mass movement"
"The protest movement is clearly not running out of steam," said David Khalfa, co-director of the North Africa and Middle East Observatory at the Jean-Jaurès Foundation. gained momentum in recent weeks, it is in the process of switching to another phase since we are witnessing a widening of the protest, which was a niche movement at the start, to become a mass movement.
David Khalfa recalls that the protest began mainly in Tel Aviv, seven weeks ago, by bringing together a few thousand people during a demonstration, in particular from the secular bourgeoisie and the liberal and progressive intellectual elite.
But also groups marked on the left and center-left who participated in the demonstrations against Benjamin Netanyahu in 2021 to demand his resignation after the first accusations of corruption aimed at him.
"The movement grew from the second week, bringing together a few tens of thousands of people, reaching hundreds of thousands of people the following week, which is far from trivial in a country with some 9 million inhabitants, he notes. What is striking, seven weeks later, is its transversality. We now observe the diversity of its ideological and sociological base, since people, such as lawyers or startupers, who have always steered clear of any kind of protest joined veterans and regulars of the protest."
This shrewd observer of Israeli political life points out that initially there was a split within the demonstrations "between those who do not want to separate the question of the fight against the occupation and the defense of democracy in Israel, and those who, on the contrary, believe that the ranks of protest must be opened up, including in the center and on the liberal right", in order to bring Israelis together as widely as possible behind pro-democracy slogans.
"And it is rather this last line which is taking precedence because we see more and more demonstrators belonging to the circles of the religious Zionists and the Orthodox in Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and in other large cities across the country, he points out.In addition to academics, start-ups, bankers and lawyers, we saw among the protesters former security service, ex-Shin Bet and Mossad bosses, like Yoram Cohen, a religious Zionist, or Yossi Cohen, both appointed to their post by Benjamin Netanyahu, but also soldiers, including former chiefs of staff.
"The opposition to this reform transcends the left-right divide"
According to David Khalfa, Benjamin Netanyahu did not expect to see a transpartisan protest movement of such magnitude rise up against his project.
"Just from this point of view, we can already speak of a failure for the Prime Minister, who nevertheless tried to convince public opinion and the international community that it was a reform, believes - II. Except that the Israeli population is not fooled. They have understood what is at stake, and for them, it is existential, in the sense that this question is directly linked to the future of the country and its democratic character."
And to continue: "We see in the polls that a majority of Israelis, left and right alike, are opposed to this reform precisely, without being against a reform of justice in itself, underlines David Khalfa. According to According to a recent poll, 42% of Likud voters oppose Netanyahu's reform; this is a very telling figure that demonstrates that opposition to this reform transcends the left-right divide."
On Sunday evening, Israeli President Isaac Herzog – who only exercises a mainly ceremonial role – expressed his concerns.
"We are facing a crucial test. I see the divisions and cracks between us, which are getting deeper and deeper and more painful," he said.
On February 12, he addressed the nation in a televised address, calling on Benjamin Netanyahu to pause the legislative process and engage with the opposition to reach a compromise in a country “on the brink of collapse.” constitutional and social.
For David Khalfa, the balance of power imposed by the street "forces" Benjamin Netanyahu to be on the defensive by accusing the left of agitating the street and to justify himself on the domestic scene and on the international scene.
Former Prime Minister and opposition leader Yair Lapid accused Benjamin Netanyahu, on trial for corruption in several cases, of wanting to serve his personal interests with a reform that could be used to protect himself from a possible conviction.
"These demonstrations have the benevolent listening of the international community, which allows the United States and France in particular to plead in favor of a compromise, analyzes David Khalfa. This climate of protest does not allow the Prime Minister and its allies to force through, and forces them on the contrary to take into account the demands of the street, or at least to pretend to negotiate.
Especially since the mobilization risks taking a new turn.
"If the movement began with peaceful demonstrations - they still are - there is a form of radicalization that is emerging, as we saw this morning with protesters who sought to prevent parliamentarians who wanted to vote for the reform in the law committee to go to the Knesset, which is quite unprecedented in the country's political history."
On Monday, the Israeli police announced the arrest of activists who tried to block roads and the entrance to the home of Tally Gotlib, an elected representative of Benjamin Netanyahu's Likud party, in the morning.
Meanwhile, local media reported that the Shin Bet, the domestic intelligence service, issued a warning to Justice Minister Yariv Levin about the rising violence in the country over the judicial reform bill, calling it "to do everything possible to calm things down and prevent the situation from deteriorating".
“We can now clearly see that certain groups have opted for a strategy of direct actions of civil disobedience and roadblocks to force Netanyahu and his allies to give up or negotiate by suspending the reform, continues David Khalfa. the minimum target of the protesters today, and if Netanyahu persists, the movement could become even more radicalized."
The attempt to blockade the house of Tally Gotlib was strongly condemned by Benjamin Netanyahu as well as by his rival Yaïr Lapid, even if the latter is not at the head of the challenge.
"At first, opposition leaders were not really welcome in the demonstrations because their divisions were considered responsible for Netanyahu's return to business, says David Khalfa. Since then, they have participated in demonstrations, but in scattered rows with a watermark of an ego dispute between the two main figures, the former Minister of Defense Benny Gantz and Yaïr Lapid [the two centrists were present at the demonstration on Monday, Ed].
Even if they are now gradually returning to the game, David Khalfa believes that it is far too early to know which of the two will derive political benefits from this massive movement.
"This polymorphic, civic and pro-democracy movement comes from the base, from the field, and above all does not want to be exploited by political forces, in order to prevent it from suffocating and to continue to welcome with open arms all those who are opposed to this reform, he concludes. Maintained by steering committees and veterans of the mobilization who launch calls to demonstrate on social networks, he has not brought out a leader. This is both his strength and its weakness.
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