Our region lived through tumultuous 10 years, which began with the Tunisian uprising in the winter of 2010, and turned with the beginning of 2011 into a revolution that toppled the regime and the president fled the country.
A decade and more, an era of contemporary Arab history, and the region, with its pains and dreams, has been closed.
There was a general impression that the harvest of a decade was nothing but disappointments, some sympathetic to each other, in which the setbacks were highlighted and the victories obliterated, and the opponents of change and reform celebrated the disappointments of the Arab Spring, stumbles and disappointments, and many cheered the rapid exit from the Arab Spring to its winter, a retreat from the path of change and democracy, to A path to tyranny and dictatorship.
For 10 years or a little more, there was great hope and optimism in its beginnings that the Arab region, from its periphery to its Gulf, was entering a new phase entitled political reform, of a participatory democratic system, good governance, economic renaissance and social justice, which ended with general disappointment, spreading a state of frustration, pessimism, negativity, withdrawal and resignation.
As for the setback experienced by Tunisia, in which the democratic path remained steadfast than other paths, it seemed shocking and disappointing to many;
A setback that some described as a moment in which the arc of the democratic experiment in the region closed.
However, no one today can claim that the region is the same as 10 years ago;
During this period, powerful regimes were overthrown, from Ibn Ali in Tunisia to Gaddafi in Libya, passing through Mubarak in Egypt and Saleh in Yemen.
While these transformations failed to build and consolidate democratic systems, they did not leave room for dictatorships to regain their absolute influence.
The "system of stability and continuity" seems to be domineering and controlling, has decided the battle in its favour, supporting each other.
Some regimes have realized that the only way to prevent any disruption of their rule or a threat to their interests is not only to confront attempts at change and thwart them in the cradle, but also to work and insist on undermining the experiences of change and democratic transformation that took place in some neighboring countries in the region.
The counter-revolution was a geopolitical vision par excellence. It targeted revolutions, distorted them, confused them, and then dismantled them.
The axis of the counter-revolutions benefited from the suspicion and fear of the Western international powers of instability or harm to its interests, to proceed in its counterattack against the Change Movement east and west until it exhausted it and then undermined it.
Today, all Arab regimes have returned to the traditional club, the club of dictatorships or the "stability and continuity" system, turning their backs on the idea of change and transformation.
She returned despite her apparent fatigue and exhaustion, and her unprecedented softness.
The ruling elite in the region did not read that its lever represented by the “national state”, the post-independence state, had eroded its project, shaken its structure, and atrophied an idea and a project.
Today's state in the Arab region, rich and poor, hardly carries a clear message, frames its citizens within a specific renaissance vision, or mobilizes them behind known goals.
A state without a message, an idea, or a project, a dilapidated political structure, and devices without a soul.
It is an unusual sight to see hundreds of citizens in Arab countries - in Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, Tunisia, Morocco, Iraq and Mauritania - lining up in long lines for a loaf of bread, milk, sugar or flour.
The ruling elites, embedded in the fabric of the traditional system of government, appear to be hostile to history, insisting on ignoring facts and changes in reality.
A rigid stance that gradually creates a state of complete separation from reality and estrangement from the complexities of the scene on the ground. If it seems difficult to control and control, it takes the initiative to resort to hard power to subjugate and adapt it. The truth is that the scene in the region today is completely different from what you see and what the region's regimes and elites want.
Politically, the ruling system prevailing in the region is no longer able to play its basic functional role in the reasonable and acceptable management of public affairs, even in its minimal limits.
And deepens its blatant inability to express the minimum will of its citizens or to provide basic services that respond to the requirements of the development that the world knows.
A deficit that almost shakes the basic foundations of the political society, and dismantles the social contract that represents the society's pact and its basic bond.
States, more than half a century after their establishment, have eroded at all levels, ideas, goals, missions, and institutions, and nothing remains of them except hard power or the repressive apparatus that monopolizes armed pressure, not to defend sovereignty, nor to protect borders, nor to extend security, but rather to secure a ruling elite that rules while it is in hiding. out of sight.
A country that has reached such weakness and developmental failure that it forces its citizens to line up in lines to obtain basic commodities.
It may pass unnoticed, but it is an unusual scene to see hundreds of citizens in Arab countries - in Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, Tunisia, Morocco, Iraq and Mauritania - queuing in long lines for a loaf of bread, milk, sugar or flour, but the matter is more dangerous than that as depositors find Their money is in the banks themselves, unable to dispose of it except for a little, so some of those helpless citizens in Lebanon were forced to break into those banks, to recover as much of their money as possible.
The truth is that the scene of stormed banks or the queues in front of a loaf of bread are headlines of a bloody scene of the reality of a region whose systems have become addicted to failure, impotence and corruption, so the incubating homelands have turned into expelling homelands.
The sea rides on board secret boats to escape from the region towards the northern bank, where the imagined European paradise is, tens of thousands of young people and families, some of whom arrive safely in detention centers.
As for the unlucky and the many of them, the sea swallows them up forever, while hundreds of them utter lifeless bodies, many of them obliterating their features and identities, and they are buried in "unknown graves."
These are some of the features of a region whose regimes are addicted to failure to provide a decent life for its citizens, or to reasonable development that gives generations hope for the future. Rather, it does more than that as it sympathizes with that comprehensive failure on tyranny and domination, by suppressing freedoms and human rights.
The region's regimes believe that if they temporarily succeed in obliterating the embers of the Arab uprisings and aborting the Arab peoples' dream of change, the matter may settle for them, and all matters will be transformed under their control, domination and domination.
However, one who contemplates the bloody scene of the region will stop at the extent of frustration and disappointment that pervaded the peoples of the region.
Frustration is now being expressed by some by engaging in all forms of organized crime in response to the "al-Haqra", and others by going to sea and secret immigration, "harga".
This anger and frustration, and in the absence of media to frame the active societal forces - especially the youth ones - due to the repression imposed on political parties and civil society organizations, will turn into a time bomb, waiting for the moment to explode.
Where all the data indicates that the region is rapidly rushing towards an angry wave, which reflects the extent of frustration, disappointment, and despair from the ability of the existing regimes to provide the minimum or respond to the social and economic benefits of their societies, while squandering national wealth by embezzlement and looting.
The example of Iraq is stark, as its people suffer from poverty and the absence of basic services, including the inability to provide water and electricity, while reports document the looting and waste of more than $450 billion by the regime since the overthrow of Saddam Hussein's regime.
And every time the system of government repeats itself, strengthened by armed militias and a sectarian political system.
Today, Iraq is classified as one of the most corrupt countries and fluctuates between the lists of failed and semi-failed states.
Syria, Yemen, Sudan, Somalia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Mauritania do not seem far from this disastrous context.
Syria, divided between American influence on the one hand, and Russian-Iranian influence on the other, transformed into a field of periodic Israeli bombardment, has become a pseudo-regime after its citizens were displaced and expelled, a mere entity that continues with Iranian-Russian bayonets of force and drug trafficking as funding.
As for Yemen, which is divided against itself, and whose influence is divided among the major regional countries, it is experiencing the worst famine in its history, which is exacerbating and turning into a civil war that is fueled and controlled by the outside.
While Sudan, which is under the strict rule of the military, its parties are escaping secession, and its crisis is barely over until it returns to it.
As for Egypt, today it appears feeble, anxious, introverted and withdrawn, losing all its splendor and barely visible.
Its political situation is not good because of the new ruling regime and the presence of tens of thousands of political detainees in prisons, nor is its social and economic situation good in light of the high cost of living and the accumulation of external and internal debts in unprecedented numbers estimated at more than 400 billion dollars.
Egypt is no longer the lever and destination of the Arab world. Rather, it has become a margin from which the region is drawn away, and its arrangements are set without regard for it.
And if you turn your face from it, east to west, the situation appears to be another image from the first. Perhaps the case of the Maghreb region is not exactly the bright case, but it is certain that it is one of its shabby images, and an echo of its echoes.
It is remarkable that even the countries that are endowed with significant natural resources and wealth do not proceed in the overall correct way, and their development policies, if any, do not reflect the aspirations of their people.
Resources are squandered in schemes that appear to be developmental and show-stopping. Huge resources are squandered in spending on them without significant returns or tangible effects on the life of the citizen.
It is a situation that the peoples of the region are well aware of, its truth and its details.
Here, the situation in the region, even if you take into account all the objective elements, does not help you with any tools to defend it or justify it, because negligence, negligence, failure, and impotence are profound.
Rotten regimes, as described by the British newspaper, The Economist, have no will to get out of their predicament, but there is a rush towards deepening their failure and addiction to their disappointments.
This bloody Arab situation does not seem sustainable, as it accumulates chronic diseases and dangerous phenomena that appear to be a case of protest against the rotting of this situation of corruption that struck the backbone of the state and exacerbated its virtues.
A societal fabric that has become weaker than a spider’s web, congestion, disintegration, and unbridled individual and collective violence through organized crime that is almost a blatant expression of criminal rebellion against the state, retaliation against it, and mutual lobbies over vital institutions and controlling them.
A region dominated by a young demographic cannot accept such deteriorating conditions and dead-end prospects.
All indications indicate that the peoples of this region are more eager for and full of change than ever before.
People did not hesitate to choose freedom and change whenever the opportunity allowed them to do so. People watched with anger and resentment the devastation that befell Arab cities, successively, from Baghdad and Mosul to Aleppo and Damascus, then Cairo and Sana'a.
People are tired of the state of inferiority in which eroding regimes have plunged them.
The eroding national state no longer expresses the collective will of its citizens, nor the Arab political society, nor is it able to guarantee it.
Whoever plots against the Arab Spring will face the fall of anger today.