German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who last autumn had a historic mission to fill the void left in the European political space after the departure of the long-term informal leader of the European Union, Angela Merkel, decided to prove to all who doubt his leadership qualities that he, too, is capable of becoming quite an EU strategist.
Speaking at the opening speech at Charles University in Prague, Chancellor Scholz put forward several bold, if not revolutionary, proposals and thoughts out loud about how, in his opinion, the European Union should be developed and strengthened, in the context of a clinch with Russia going through hard times.
It is clear that no one seeks good from good, and the best is the enemy of the good.
All these proposals, which Olaf Scholz threw out at the audience of Charles University, were not made from a good life.
The European Union is in earnest sausage.
In the decisions of his summits and ministerial meetings, there is less and less meaningfulness, pragmatism, strategy, and more and more impulsiveness, political ambitions, doctrinairism, the struggle of political egos of both national states and their leaders.
Moreover, the European Union is increasingly and completely turning into a political theater of the absurd, which is not what the “Kremlin propagandists” say, but their own independent observers and representatives of the opposition, who sharply criticize the European bureaucracy in Brussels.
A pan-European home, forgive me my colleagues, with whom we drank more than one glass of the honest single malt sung by Robert Burns in good times of no return, already looks like a pan-European madhouse.
Meanwhile, the implementation of Olaf Scholz's initiatives could at least change the decision-making mechanism within the European Union and make serious adjustments to its defense policy.
And also to build a new model of relations with countries that for many years have either been trampling around in the waiting room of the European Union, or have been walking in circles around the European house, looking with hope into its illuminated windows, behind which someone else's life flows.
So, what does Olaf Scholz, who positions himself as the new reformer of the EU, offer?
He offers a lot.
First, to abandon the principle of unanimity in decision-making, when the vote of one country is enough to block them, ready to say “no” and use its veto.
For years, the European Union has endured the inconvenience that one single state could nullify the will of all the others by saying at the decisive moment: "But we are against it."
The European Union tolerated this, convincing itself that, albeit more slowly, in the end, decisions are made that 100% reflect the will of all its members without exception.
And now the right of veto, which was the sacred cow of the EU, Olaf Scholz intends to put under the knife to make it easier to overcome differences and confront external challenges.
“Where unanimity is required today, there is a risk that one country, with its veto, will prevent all others from moving forward.
This risk increases with each new member,” Olaf Scholz explained in his speech in Prague.
In this regard, key decisions are proposed to be taken by majority vote.
This, apparently, will not be an arithmetic majority.
Each vote will have a different weight, depending on which country it belongs to.
The voice of Germany will be heavier than the voice of Estonia and even Poland itself, which positions itself as the initiator of new trends, a new European mind and European conscience.
An important detail: according to Scholz, the majority principle can be tested in decisions "in the field of sanctions or in matters of human rights."
Secondly, the German chancellor considers very promising the idea of French President Emmanuel Macron to create a certain association called the "European Political Community", which would include both EU members and their partners outside the European Union: the states of the Western Balkans, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia.
The idea is to have a political dialogue with the EU partner countries once or twice a year on issues of security, energy, and the fight against global warming.
In order not to admit to the EU states that in the foreseeable future do not shine with membership and the opportunity to use the advantages of a single customs space and free movement within the Schengen area, the new political association's recruits are offered the formula "part of the EU" (instead of "EU member").
Thus, without joining the EU, they will be able to consider themselves in a broad sense, albeit the second, but the echelon of a united Europe.
Thirdly, in his speech in Prague, Chancellor Scholz spoke in favor of strengthening the independence of a united Europe in the matter of raw material supplies.
“We need a game plan, something like a Made in Europe 2030 strategy,” he said.
And finally, fourthly, by rebuilding the decision-making mechanism within the EU, as well as relations with those who, as before, will not make decisions, but will receive the privilege to express in a noble company everything that has boiled within the framework of the “European Political Community”, Olaf Scholz swung to create a unified air defense system in the EU.
According to him, such a system "would be a security win for the whole of Europe."
In general, Olaf Scholz for the first time made a bright, obviously not typical for himself - far from being the brightest politician - speech, which could be called "How do we equip Europe."
Considering that in Germany itself he had not allowed himself anything like this before, it was worth going to Prague for this.
Speech is speech, but what does all this have to do with reality and with the future that awaits a united Europe?
What is the practical value of this grandiose reformist swing?
The first Euroskeptic who did not express much enthusiasm was the Czech Prime Minister Petr Fiala, who, at a joint press conference with Olaf Scholz, tried to return him to the sinful European land.
“The Czech Republic is reserved and cautious about the idea put forward of abandoning the principle of unanimity and moving to the principle of the majority.
This should be especially taken into account in the current difficult political situation in Europe.
We, as the country presiding over the EU, were glad when, in resolving the last issues, we managed to achieve a complete consensus of all the EU member states.
Now it is especially important that the EU countries take a unified position, and decisions are made unanimously.
I think that the discussion on this topic in the European Union will not be easy,” Piotr Fiala warned.
In general, many of Chancellor Scholz's proposals leave a persistent feeling of deja vu.
Somewhere we have already heard this, passed, albeit in a different package.
The proposal of the "European Political Community" is seen as a modernized version of the "Eastern Partnership", from which today only one name remains.
The plan to create a unified European missile defense system is reminiscent of the 20-year-old idea of a unified European army and may become the same phantom.
Well, what fate is in store for the proposal to abandon the right of veto in voting in the EU, Czech Prime Minister Petr Fiala has already popularly explained.
The most likely scenario is that Olaf Scholz will retire much before any of his proposals are implemented.
And it is also quite likely that in the end not a single one of his proposals will ever be implemented at all.
However, they cannot be called meaningless either.
The German chancellor at least correctly pointed out the main sore points in Europe, pointing his reformist laser pointer at them in the university auditorium.
He bluntly admitted that the European house needs a major renovation.
If only now we could find experienced builders and the necessary budget for this - despite the fact that everything is expensive in Europe these days.
The point of view of the author may not coincide with the position of the editors.