Shift to the Right in Sweden: A Historic Change of Power

The Swedish Prime Minister initiated the change of power with her resignation.

This is how it has been tested for a long time, and this is how it has smoothly taken place again and again for decades.

But Magdalena Andersson's words when she announced her resignation made it clear that something special was happening.

The social democrat spoke of the fact that many Swedes were concerned.

She told the likely future Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson and his middle-class partners that they bear a great responsibility: they must draw a line against all attempts to spread hatred, threats and violence.

Her words made it clear that Sweden is experiencing a historic transition of power.

Right-wing populists are likely to gain influence in the government for the first time.

The Sweden Democrats rose to become the second strongest force in Sunday's election.

The centre-right camp has them to thank for the victory.

Kristersson is unlikely to have them in his government, but he may be dependent on their votes.

For a long time that seemed unthinkable in Stockholm.

Not that unusual in Northern Europe

But if you broaden your perspective, it's not all that unusual: whether in Oslo, Helsinki or Copenhagen, populist forces have already directly or indirectly co-governed everywhere in the north.

The parties are different, each rise story has its peculiarities, and yet they are similar.

So in a way, Stockholm is going down the road of Nordic normalization.

Also because the right lessons were not learned from the experiences of the neighbors.

That doesn't make it easier for Sweden.

For a long time it was believed to be an exception.

Not because people believed in the Germans' image of Sweden, which was transfigured by children's books and holiday dreams.

But because the country has written a great history of prosperity, a history of prosperity, welfare and peace.

Sweden saw itself as a country of enlightenment and emancipation, as an open country that welcomes everyone, as a humanitarian world power.

But now a party will influence the government, which says: Sweden first.

The Sweden Democrats got more than 20 percent.

Since they were able to enter the Reichstag for the first time in 2010, they have won every election.

This is also a failure of the other parties.

For a long time they had tried to avoid the Sweden Democrats and their issues.

Now they are stronger than ever.

Parallel societies and increasing crime

Even before 2010, Sweden had changed.

The welfare state had come under pressure because of the high costs, there was liberalization and frustration.

Something was also happening in the suburbs of the cities, where many people who were new to Sweden lived.

It was becoming increasingly difficult to integrate everyone.

Parallel societies formed and crime increased.

But the parties found it difficult to talk about it.

Until the Sweden Democrats came along and made a simple calculation: We will secure the welfare state if we stop immigration.

They advertised their image of Sweden, but it wasn't colorful anymore.

That was clumsy, the undertone xenophobic.

Not to mention the party's roots in racist movements and extremist outbursts by some members.

But it was effective because for a long time they were almost the only ones to address problems that many Swedes had already seen in their cities.

After the 2015 refugee crisis, asylum policies became somewhat stricter, and after the 2018 election, the Kristersson moderates and the Christian Democrats finally gave up the isolation of the Sweden Democrats.

The realization that without the votes of the right-wing populists there is no way to power for them may have played a role.

They sharpened their rhetoric, the fight against the many shootings in the country brought them together.

During the election campaign, the Social Democrats suddenly spoke much more harshly about integration problems and segregation.

That could no longer prevent the success of the Sweden Democrats.

Now Kristersson does indeed bear a great deal of responsibility.

He must lead a government that identifies problems of integration and crime and tries to solve them without resorting to xenophobic reflexes.

In Copenhagen, the Danish People's Party supported a government after 2001 and was influential for a long time.

Since then, the country has pursued a strict immigration and asylum policy.

But the tone of the debate has also sharpened.

While the People's Party is losing importance, even the Danish Social Democrats have become accustomed to an almost ruthless harshness in integration and asylum policy.

Kristersson can now prove that Sweden is an exception after all.

Maybe he'll manage to find a more humane, more Swedish way.