Ben Gvir, accompanied by fanatical Jews and Israeli forces, storms Al-Aqsa Mosque (Anatolia)
On the morning of Thursday, November 30, 2023, 38-year-old lawyer Yuval Castleman was on his way to work at the Civil Service Commission in occupied Jerusalem, before he found himself involved in an incident that quickly ended his life.
Yuval witnessed a shooting operation carried out by two Palestinian guerrillas in response to the criminal attacks of the Zionist occupation army. He rushed without hesitation, exposed without even bulletproof armor, and took out his pistol and killed the two Palestinians with it. Then he looked at their blood on the dark asphalt and looked around, and perhaps for a moment he felt as if Outside of history, he is a super human being immune to bullets.
However, the sounds of soldiers' boots quickly brought him back to reality, as they came directly to the scene of the incident, heavily armed, and began shooting.
Yuval understood what was happening around him, so he temporarily gave up his position of heroism, threw his gun on the ground, took off his coat, knelt down, and shouted in Hebrew: “I am Israeli,” but his scream did not help him.
The Israeli soldiers fired successive bullets at Yuval's head and body, until they were sure he had been killed, and the man remained lying on the ground swimming in his blood for a long time.
Before the truth of what happened appeared in the Israeli media, his killer bragged in an interview with local Channel 14 about the shooting, explaining that he belonged to the “Hillland Youth,” the extremist group whose Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben Gvir, was proud to wear shoes of his own making. .
And so did the killer’s wife, who gave some interviews in which she bragged about what her husband had done, and the unit in which he served, which is the “Desert Battalion” unit, which is made up of the most extremist soldiers, and makes the lives of innocent Palestinians closer to hell (1).
Israeli settler Yuval Castleman, who was killed by the occupation army (social networking sites)
After that incident, which cannot be considered merely a “friendly fire killing,” but rather a premeditated execution, Shelly Yachimovich, a member of the Knesset and former head of the Labor Party, wrote that the incident is “an example of what can happen when weapons are in hands out of control,” and as a direct result. For the campaign to distribute weapons and arm settlers launched by Ben Gvir, and in which his extremist president, Benjamin Netanyahu, supports him, she said.
According to a report published by the Hebrew economic website Calcalsite, the Ministry of National Security in Israel, headed by Ben Gvir, received an additional budget that includes one billion shekels ($265 million) for the police force, 40 million shekels ($10 million) for the prison administration, and 633 million shekels. ($168 million) for the emergency forces formed by Ben Gvir in the settlements, which are made up of terrorists from the Price Tag organization and other Zionist terrorism activists in the West Bank (2).
A leaked document on which the report was based says that Ben Gvir instructed the police to refrain from taking any measures to pursue Jewish extremists who commit attacks on Palestinians and their property in the West Bank.
Yachimovich warned that this arms campaign and the accompanying insecurity would make the post-war moment a fire that would consume the Israeli interior itself.
Former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert himself also warned against that man, saying that Ben Gvir is a more imminent danger to Israel than a nuclear-armed Iran (2)(3).
But what Olmert did not mention is that Ben Gvir is no longer an anomalous phenomenon or just an outcast politician as he was at the beginning of the century. The man today is the face of Israel that the world does not want to see or acknowledge. Rather, he is the face of the right-wing transformation that has occurred in Israeli society over the course of fifty years. year, and expresses the victory of religious myths and superstitions and the incitement of feelings of hatred, hatred, and the desire for revenge that swept Israel.
As he often said in his speeches, Ben Gvir is leading Israel into a time of redemption, believing that he will play a role in hastening the return of the “Messiah the Savior,” but in reality he may be leading his country to its doom.
A clown at a loud right-wing party
Ben Gvir, the child, grew up in the “Mevaseret Zion” area, a dilapidated suburb of Jerusalem, as it was once a temporary camp for Jewish immigrants from Kurdistan (French).
The first time the Israelis heard the name Ben Gvir was in the fall of 1995, a tense period in the history of the occupying state after Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin signed a “peace” agreement with the Palestine Liberation Organization, in exchange for Israel giving up on paper the areas it occupied in the West Bank. West, which the Zionist right considered “treason,” and protests broke out and turned into violence in October of the same year.
At that time, a boy appeared on Israeli television with signs of recklessness and mental instability. He was wearing a faded blue shirt, and carrying in his hand a metal Cadillac emblem that had been taken from Prime Minister Rabin’s car. He shouted: “Just as we arrived at this emblem, we can Arriving at Rabin.
Three weeks later, another law student named Yigal Amir approached Rabin at a demonstration in Tel Aviv and shot him twice, killing him.
Less than two months after the assassination, members of the government investigation committee visited Amir in his cell and interrogated him about his relationship with a boy named Itamar Ben Gvir. Amir replied that he knew Itamar among right-wing youth, and had heard that he wanted to kill Rabin, but he added sarcastically: “Itamar cannot commit murder, he is just a child, not a murderer, but a clown” (3).
The child Ben Gvir grew up in the “Mevaseret Zion” area, a dilapidated suburb of Jerusalem, as it was once a temporary camp for Jewish immigrants coming from Kurdistan, and his family lived there before the establishment of the occupying state.
His father came from Iraq and was selling goods to members of the extremist Zionist "Irgun" gang, while his mother was a member of the gang and spent the night with them planning killing and sabotage operations.
Over time, Ben Gvir's family moved to a more upscale area, and although his parents were right-wing, they voted several times for the left-wing Labor Party, like many Mizrahi or Sephardic Jews.
However, Itamar became completely different from his father, perhaps because he grew up in a different generation.
At the age of twelve, Ben Gvir suddenly became religious, and at the age of fourteen, the boy witnessed the first Palestinian intifada, and mentioned in an interview with a newspaper that he decided at that time to put an end to the “Palestinian riots” (4).
Rabbi Meir Kahane, who founded the Kach movement and planted the seeds of the Jewish extreme right decades ago.
(Getty)
Ben Gvir witnessed another event that had an impact on him, which was the killing of extremist Rabbi Meir Kahane.
During high school, Ben Gvir joined the extremist Kach movement led by Kahane, who had no religious education at all, but presented himself to the Zionist community as a rabbi preaching an ideology that combined ethnic mysticism based on “sanctity for the Land of Israel” and brutal racism toward Arabs.
Then, at the age of sixteen, Ben Gvir became a key player within the movement after proving his worth in sabotage and recruitment operations.
While his old high school classmates served in the Israeli occupation army, the army refused to recruit Ben Gvir. When asked about the reason for the refusal, one of the officials said: “Is it possible to give a weapon to someone like that?”
In his mid-thirties, Ben Gvir became a lawyer who mastered the tricks of the law and articulate arguments, and used this talent to defend members of extremist Zionist organizations.
In 2015, Ben Gvir rebuked a number of his followers to stop shouting the slogan “Death to Arabs” and replace it with the slogan “Death to Terrorists” so that their extremism would be within the limits of the law (5).
In addition to his skill in screaming and inciting sabotage and murder, Ben Gvir showed an extraordinary skill in wrapping his extremism in law, just as a bomb is placed in a gift envelope.
Raphael Morris, a far-right activist who heads a movement called “Return to the Temple Mount,” once stated, “I learned from him how to challenge the regime without crossing the red line.”
A former Shin Bet official said: “Ben Gvir is an extremist, but he is a pragmatist, and he knows how to walk between raindrops.”
It is this pragmatism that Ben Gvir was able to master during the nearly thirty years he spent within the gang community and right-wing extremist Zionist organizations that helped him finally reach the Knesset.
Before the 2019 elections, the Zionist businessman and designer of right-wing election campaigns, Beral Crombie, provided Ben Gvir with several tips and advice to make him appear as a “statesman” (5).
Ben Gvir was then convinced to remove the picture of the criminal Baruch Goldstein, the perpetrator of the Ibrahimi Mosque massacre in 1994, from the wall of his house, while keeping the picture of Kahane, whom Itamar described as a “saint.”
Within two years, Ben Gvir's support among Likud voters had risen to nearly a third, and after two failed attempts to enter the Knesset, Itamar finally succeeded in re-representing the extremist Kach movement within the Knesset.
Ben Gvir entered the Knesset in 2021, after Netanyahu succeeded in returning to the prime minister’s seat with a coalition that includes the Likud coalition and the “Jewish Power” party, which Ben Gvir leads and is considered an extension of the Kach party (5).
However, one opinion poll stated that 46% of Israelis believe that Ben Gvir does not deserve the portfolio of the Ministry of National Security, which includes authority over border patrols in the West Bank.
However, Ben Gvir has recently enjoyed huge popularity in right-wing circles, among army soldiers, and even in kibbutzim that are known for their leftist tendencies, which raises the question: Why do the Zionists love Ben Gvir?
When Ben Gvir was a young man within the Kach movement, he harassed actors and any personality known for his leftist views (Al Jazeera)
Ben Gvir...the ugly face of Israel
Over the past years, Ben Gvir remained on the sidelines of Israeli politics, but he was preparing himself to jump into the limelight, not by gaining more votes, but by inciting more hatred and spreading chaos, as these actions were his profession in which he excelled since adolescence.
When Ben Gvir was a young man within the Kach movement, he harassed actors and any personality known for his leftist views. He would distribute eggs to his fellow “Kahanis” or to teenagers to throw them at demonstrators at any leftist march or stand, in addition to organizing operations to burn cars, cut their tires, or sabotage heaters. Water on the roofs of Palestinian homes in Jerusalem.
After that, Ben Gvir became a well-known and present face in any battlefield, and his loud voice, his constant screaming at his opponents, and his provocative statements became known to everyone on the Israeli political scene.
He took advantage of every Palestinian armed operation to appear and accuse the government of losing control, as if he was presenting a theatrical performance, a description confirmed by “Michael Manikin,” the leftist Zionist activist, saying: “Ben Gvir was always aware that everything was a kind of show,” adding that in every Left-wing political event “He would throw eggs, curse and shout at us... And then, when the tour was over, he would come to me and smile and ask me: So, when are you coming back again?”
(5).
Many believe that the increasing fame and acceptance enjoyed by Ben Gvir and his allies is related to exploiting populist anger and the weakness of the left in Israel. However, careful observation of the history of the rise of the right in Israel indicates that Ben Gvir represents the true face of Israeli society at the present time, as Israel has lost its secular face. Relatively "rational", it lost control of the religious tendency that it had placed on the Zionist project at its beginning.
Until the 1967 war, the Jewish state was established on the land of Palestine and was dominated by the Mapai movement, which turned into a party headed by Ben Gurion, the first prime minister of the Zionist entity. Zionism was achieved in its Western form as a secular, settler project.
The political force that promoted the principles of “socialist secularism” was able to establish the national idea according to a “civil religion” that employs religious myth and makes it an attractive premise for Jews around the world, but on the margins of the political project.
As for the Haredi movements that categorically reject Zionism, they established their relationship with Israel after the state presented itself to those movements as a state that separates the political project from “religious salvation.” That is, the State of Israel presented itself to the Jewish religious movements as not the religious State of Israel that would achieve salvation for the Jews. As in the Jewish religion (6).
Rav Kook, the first chief Ashkenazi rabbi in Palestine (1921-1935), and the first to link the idea of repentance and salvation in the Jewish religion to Zionism (communication sites)
Then, these movements organized their relationship with the state on a consensual basis following the “Status Quo” letter (A) written by Ben-Gurion, in which he committed to giving the Haredi movement a kind of independence to ensure that it would not oppose the declaration of the state, while the right-wing nationalist movement represented by the Herut movement was opposed. It does not have executive power.
In this context, the “Temple” and “Land of Israel” projects were merely preambles and frozen projects for consumption and nothing more.
However, the 1967 war and the social transformations within the movement of religious Zionism completely changed the internal scene. The great victory achieved by the occupation army in that war, and the new lands it occupied, in addition to the increasing numerical mass of the Haredi religious movements, led to the emergence of a new generation adopting the theories of Rabbi Abraham Isaac. Kook" or "Raf Kook" as he is known.
Rav Kook is not just a rabbi whose views brought about a major change in the view of the religious movement of the Zionist state. Rather, he is the first chief Ashkenazi rabbi in Palestine (1921-1935). Before that, he was the Rav of the city of Jaffa and the Rav of the city of Jerusalem, a mufti and theoretician, and he was the first to link the idea of Repentance and salvation in the Jewish religion of Zionism, where he said that salvation does not begin with the coming of Christ, but rather with settlement again in the Land of Israel (7).
Thus, the dominance of Zionism established under the leadership of the Mapai party was shaken for the first time, and secularized Zionist nationalism gradually tended toward the idea of salvation and the sanctity of the Land of Israel.
Thus, what was considered marginal in the Zionist movement, such as national Zionism that follows the “Kook” school, and right-wing nationalist corrective Zionism that follows the “Gabotinsky” school and is represented by the Likud Party, began to move from the margins to the center of the political field, which was translated politically in 1977. The Likud Party rose to power for the first time.
Barely fifty years had passed before the Jewish Power Party, which belonged to the extremist religious Zionist movement, and the Kach Party, led by Ben Gvir, rose to the fore.
Ben Ghafir and the revival of the Mashaihani project
During the last three years, Ben Gvir used to storm the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque at the head of groups of settlers, which used to provoke the Palestinians, and led to the war in 2021 and then the “Al-Aqsa Flood” operation.
Twenty-three years before that, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon decided to storm the mosque, which led to the outbreak of the first intifada in occupied Palestine. But what is strange is that all of these raids did not begin until after 1967, due to the existence of a religious prohibition within religious movements to enter the courtyards of the mosque. Al-Aqsa, and this prohibition did not begin to disintegrate until after 1967 (8).
The occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967 resulted in two central phenomena in Israeli society: the first was the rise of right-wing nationalism, and the second was the launch of the religious Messianic charge within Zionism.
The project of revisionist Zionism represented by the Likud Party has transformed from a postponed project to a project that can be achieved, after proving the possibility of occupying all of the land of Palestine and expelling the Palestinians from it. The occurrence of this shift in political thinking within Israel coincided with the erosion of the dominance of the founding Zionist movement, “Mapai,” against the backdrop of the growing bloc. Population of religious movements and the emergence of new elites and alliances.
As a result, the vanguards of the “Gush Emunim” settlement movement emerged, which called itself the “Zionist Renewal Movement” and claimed that its mission was to complete the “redemptive” Zionist project, not as a secular political project, but rather as a religious political project of a sacred nature (8).
The rise of the Gush Emunim movement was helped by the crisis that occurred in the secular camp after the 1973 war. The movement began to formulate the settlement project in biblical religious terms, and gave its project a biblical name, in contrast to the socialist vocabulary that was used before 1948 to describe the Jewish colonies.
Hence, the rise of the Likud Party led by Netanyahu in 1977 was an expression of the popularity of settler religious Zionism that swept the electorate in the Zionist political milieu, as the Likud was able to attract the votes of the Eastern Jews, which led to the rise in power of groups that were secondary and marginal and without a strong impact on the path. Politically, it became the new political elite struggling to impose its vision of achieving Zionism (8).
Gradually, the political field was organized between two main camps: the first included the right-wing nationalist and religious settler movements that centered around the Land of Israel and wanted to form the identity of a Jewish people there, and the founding movement that wanted to form the identity of Israel and its people according to secular European nationalist concepts that subordinated religion to it and used it in a utilitarian, pragmatic manner.
The conflicts between these movements continued until the beginning of the nineties, but the outbreak of the first intifada in 1987, and then the holding of the Madrid Conference in the wake of the First Gulf War, led to the deepening of the political conflict over the future of the “Land of Israel” between the Likud and settler wing on the one hand, and the labor wing on the other hand. The Zionist-pragmatist who included the second generation of the founders.
This conflict intersected with profound demographic changes, which pushed towards a further Israeli shift towards the right and the extreme right (8).
After the Oslo Accords, the rise of the right in Israel went through three stages. The first began with the reaction of the religious, settler, and right-wing Zionist movements to the peace treaty. This stage culminated in the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, and then ended with the Ehud Barak government declaring the futility of peace negotiations. This was a frank admission. The secular leftist project has ended and only the right-wing Zionist path remains (8).
After the disengagement plan, which announced the withdrawal from Gaza and the evacuation of the settlements there, something similar to a split occurred in the right-wing Zionist camp, between a pragmatic right that subordinates ideology and settlement to security interests, represented by the Kadima party, and an ideological right that burrows behind religious ideology and rejects any compromise or withdrawal. A right represented by Netanyahu's alliance with the Easterners and then with the religious settler right.
After this alliance, and the transformation of Likud into a populist party that uses religious discourse and allies with the rising extremist Zionist movements, the extreme right succeeded in the third stage in reaching power in 2009, and the process of expanding settlements and stealing the remaining Palestinian lands and homes began, and consolidating Jewish national supremacy and a state. Apartheid.
This success was evident in the rise of the “Haredali” movement, led by Bezalel Smotrich, which combines Haredi religious fanaticism with settler nationalist extremism. It was also evident in the transformation of Haredism, which was generally outside the Zionist project, into a right-wing nationalist movement, and in the return of Kahanism to the heart of the scene. Politician through the Jewish Power Party, “Otzma Yehudit,” led by Ben Gvir, after he had been excluded following the massacre at the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron (10).
In the period following Rabin's assassination in 1995, Ben Gvir's voice in public discourse was part of what Israelis termed "the weeds," that is, those extremist elements who grew on the margins of state and society and whose behavior represented a deviation from consensus and accepted values.
As for the year 2021, Ben Gvir became a member of the Israeli Knesset, carrying fifty-three indictments and eight convictions for criminal cases, riots, disorderly conduct, incitement to racism, and support for terrorist organizations, while the scenes of his orgy waving weapons in the face of the Palestinians became part of his regular, distinctive scenes that News bulletins mention it without any consequences, and most politicians ignore it (10).
Agent of chaos
In 2015, Ben Gvir, dressed in white, attended a wedding in Jerusalem for a young couple in his constituency.
After the wedding, loud music ignited, and the men rushed to dance in ecstasy, and suddenly one of the wedding guests held up a picture of an infant, so another guest rose, using a dinner knife, and stabbed the picture repeatedly, amid shouts from the audience.
The infant in the picture was Ali Dawabsha, whose Jewish arsonists threw firebombs at his family's home in the village of Duma in the West Bank, burning the child and his parents to death and seriously wounding his four-year-old brother.
Ben Gvir was the lawyer of the main accused Zionist in the arson crime before he entered Parliament, and he was the main Israeli lawyer for most of the Jewish terrorists and settlers, as if he were literally “the devil’s advocate.”
Ben Gvir plays the same role brilliantly for reasons that are mysterious until now. In the spring of 2021, a month after he entered Parliament, several clashes emerged in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of Jerusalem, where the Israeli Supreme Court was expected to issue a decisive ruling in May of that year. After a legal battle that Palestinians fought for five decades to protect their homes in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood from settlers who wanted to steal them.
After the clashes occurred, Ben Gvir appeared in Sheikh Jarrah in a provocative manner, and opened an office for himself, on which he placed a huge banner announcing his presence as a member of the Knesset, with the Israeli flag next to it. He said that the goal was to provide security for the fragmentation of the Zionist families present there.
But the matter turned into violent clashes, and according to the New Yorker magazine, that night Ben Gvir received a call from Netanyahu advising him to leave the region or else he would be a cause of igniting war, but the matter did not end except with fires in Tel Aviv caused by Qassam rockets (10).
Despite this, Ben Gvir cannot be considered a person out of control, as he is believed to be linked to influential parties in the occupying state, led by Prime Minister Netanyahu.
Before these events, Israeli media reported that Yaakov Shabtai, the police commissioner, had explicitly warned Netanyahu that Ben Gvir was responsible for the Arab-Jewish unrest, as he was leading a systematic campaign to spread chaos and destroy everything that could be considered “legal procedures” inside Israel.
On Ben Gvir’s orders, the police placed security barriers in front of the worshipers at Al-Aqsa Mosque, and when protests occurred because of this, several hundred followers of the extremist Jewish group “Lehava,” which Ben Gvir founded, marched in downtown Jerusalem chanting “Death to the Arabs” (11). .
On the other hand, Ben Gvir denied for years rumors about his cooperation with the Shin Bet.
At a 1999 Knesset session regarding the activities of Shin Bet agents, a right-wing lawmaker named Benny Elon read aloud papers from the Investigative Committee’s interview with Yigal Amir, Rabin’s killer, in which Amir reported that Ben Gvir had said he wanted to kill Rabin himself.
The Shin Bet later revealed that it had deployed at least one agent among the extreme right to monitor their internal activity, and the Shin Bet gave him the code name “Champagne.”
In 2019, former Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman spoke in a radio interview about Ben Gvir’s party, and asked: “Is Itamar Ben Gvir what he presents himself as, or some kind of new champagne? I am not sure at all.”
Ben Gvir filed a lawsuit against him, saying: “If you are a Shin Bet agent, then Lieberman is a KGB agent” (12).
In 2020, while Naftali Bennett was Defense Minister, his wife Gilat wrote on Facebook that her home had been broken into, and she claimed that Jewish Power activists were responsible.
Ben Gvir then filed a lawsuit against her for defamation, and four months later, she issued a statement in which she wrote: “Although Ben Gvir presents a veneer of right-wing extremism, for many years he worked as a Shin Bet agent with the aim of collecting information about far-right activists and distorting the right-wing camp with provocations.” .
Bennett did not reveal how she obtained this information.
A month later, she and Ben Gvir reached an out-of-court settlement, issued a formal apology, and withdrew their allegations (12).
Regardless of the real role that Ben Gvir plays inside Israel, he represents the religious transformation that Israel has been witnessing for five decades, as the founders and theorists of Zionism believed that by establishing it on the principles of secular Western rationality, Zionism would be able to tame the myths it imported from the religious field and subject them to its calculations. And control it.
The project of building the Temple or establishing a Jewish state was not the goal of established Zionism, but rather the establishment of the national state that Herzl imagined as a Western secular project based on settlement.
Despite this, a number of secular Zionist theorists realized that Zionist political theology contained a dangerous Messianic touch that could change and control Zionism.
According to historian Moti Golani, former Israeli President Chaim Weizmann expressed his categorical rejection of the establishment of a religious Zionist Mizrahi party for fear that it would “confiscate sovereignty from man and return it to God” (13).
Sacred myths and religious preambles began to be let loose, and this was evident in the “resolution” plan that was previously published by Minister Smotrich and which Ben Gvir was enthusiastic about.
(Anatolia)
According to the researcher in religious Zionism, Tomer Persico, Ben-Gurion “did not want the Temple Mount, nor did the rest of the Zionist leaders. They believed that the Old City was nothing but a ruin containing an energy reserve for religious radiation. Ben-Gurion wanted to get rid of it by dividing the city into eastern And west.”
When the Revisionist Movement opposed that division in 1937 under the slogan of not giving up what it considered to be the Temple Mount, Ben Gurion considered the matter disastrous and wrote in defense of the division: “Jewish Jerusalem liberated from the abhorrent partnership with the effendis and English officials, cut off from the Old City, for which there is no cure except by turning it into a A cultural, spiritual and religious museum for all religions, exempt from the Arab neighborhoods that will stimulate our creative civilizational talents, and concentrate our wealth and our being.”
But in the 1920s, with the formation of the corrective movement, the construction of the Third Temple became a tangible expression of the restoration of national history and full sovereignty over the land.
According to the Jewish heritage, Jewish sovereignty over the Land of Israel is not only measured by the establishment of the kingdom/state, but also by rebuilding the Temple with royal rule from the lineage of David (13).
Gradually, the myth of the Temple became a reference for all religious Zionist movements, and the fears of Zionist historians were fully realized, and the sacred myths and religious preambles began to be let loose. This was evident in the “resolution” plan previously published by Minister Smotrich, and Ben Gvir was enthusiastic about it, and Netanyahu alluded to it in His speech at the beginning of the current war, which is based on the story of Joshua bin Nun in his war with the Amalekites, after he crossed the Jordan River and took control of the land of Canaan in implementation of the divine will and fulfillment of the promise.
According to legend, Joshua bin Nun sent three messages to the residents of the country with three options: “If the residents of the country do not flee, restrictions must be imposed on them, that they be humiliated and despised, and that they not raise a head in Israel, and if they oppose that, we will not leave a single soul among them” (13).
At the same time, Ben Gvir continues to issue licenses for weapons and distribute them to settlers, and incites violence and murder inside Israel. In doing so, he simply destroys the Israeli interior and leads it to the bottom of brutality, violence, and the mire of revenge. Israeli analyst Gideon Levy wrote in the newspaper “Haaretz” warning The next surprise will come from within the West Bank, which is boiling due to repeated settler attacks, after they turned into gangs wearing military uniforms and shooting at the Palestinian population.
But Levy says that the enemy this time will not be the Palestinians, but rather the extremist settlers who will soon attack the State of Israel itself.
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Footnotes:
Status quo, "the status quo", is derived from the Latin "status quo ante bellum", literally "the situation that existed before the war", and was used to demand the restoration of the status quo.
Sources:
Execution in the Wild West.
Armament of "Ben Gvir's army": more than 5 million bullets and 40 thousand rifles.
Itamar Ben Gvir, Israel's Minister of Anarchy.
Kach Movement (Jewish Defense League).
Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel's Minister of Chaos
The State of the Land of Israel and the Rolling Status Quo.
If the Rav Kook did?
The idea of salvation in religious Zionism.
The rise of the Israeli far right... Background and projections.
The Haredim versus Hamas... Why do extremists seek to control the army?
Itamar Ben Gvir, Israel's Minister of Anarchy.
How Bibi Empowered the Supremacist Movement Fueling This Conflict.
Itamar Ben Gvir, Israel's Minister of Anarchy.
The rise of the Israeli far right... Background and projections.
The second surprise will come from the West Bank.
Source: Al Jazeera