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Taking him out was like a liberation. "I die of embarrassment when I hear Deputy Gabriel Rufián say that he is more afraid of Yolanda Díaz than of Abascal." The phrase is from Ada Colau at the start of the Sumar campaign and the surprising quote to which she refers is true, since she pronounced it in an interview in Cuatro and then has continued to justify it.

That was not a warm-up or a slip. There's a lot of previous history before that missile. And also that it has to do with the present. The arrival of the elections has led ERC to undertake a very aggressive strategy against Sumar, which is attracting attention because it is basically channeling itself into attacking Díaz.

In this, CKD is not alone. It has found the connivance of Podemos – which neither denounces nor replicates this offensive of its "strategic ally" – and has the explicit complicity of Pablo Iglesias. Together they form a pincer to torpedo Díaz that has unleashed a strong unrest within Sumar. Especially as a result of the former secretary general of Podemos inviting the leader of ERC, Oriol Junqueras, to his television to make a break to her and her candidacy. To which the former purple leader gladly joined, within his revenge for chapters for leaving Irene Montero out of the lists and for subjecting Podemos to a "modest" role in Sumar.

"When the left allows itself to be convinced that it has to be a kind of appendix of what the PSOE represents without having its own state project for fear of the polls is when politics dies," said Iglesias, who reproached that Díaz has decided to remove the independence referendum for Catalonia from the electoral program of Sumar, thus seconding the criticisms made by ERC and digging into one of the wounds that has been opened to Sumar in this campaign. "The Spanish left," reproached Iglesias, "only had the opportunity to reach the government" when it accepted that it had to defend the "right to decide."

Junqueras nodded and concluded: "Sumar prefers to be small to have a real capacity to influence Spanish politics, because if it does, it will have to make decisions and will suffer many pressures. He prefers to free himself and have a comfortable and quiet life as a minority partner of the PSOE.

Strategic allies

Here it rains on wet. For a long time now, the commons have been angry with Iglesias for his constant flattery and follow-up to ERC and for missing them when the independentistas are natural competitors for the same vote. This especially irritated in the face of the competition of the polls of 28-M.

Iglesias, in his eagerness to turn ERC and Bildu into the "strategic allies" of Podemos in Catalonia and Euskadi, has been exposing his referents in both autonomies, with the consequent discomfort in them. It was sounded when after both parties knocked down the reform of the gag law, he gave them the reason and disavowed the negotiators of Unidas Podemos, who were Jaume Asens (commons) and Enrique Santiago (IU), two people close to Díaz. Podemos maintained voting discipline but made it clear which side it was on.

Rufián's war against Díaz was poisoned after ERC's "no" to labor reform. It is something quite well known already. Hence comes much of the anger that unfolds against her whenever she has the chance. But it doesn't just come down to that. His attacks have a lot to do with the alliance with Podemos and his relationship with Iglesias. Rufián has meddled whenever he could in the internal process of Sumar to give reason to the purples and now uses Montero as an emblem to discredit Díaz.

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Visca, visca, and visca, Irene Montero," said Rufián to start the campaign. "You can't add by subtracting, you can't add up by leaving your own in the gutter." The commons have already raised the tone to reply and warn that ERC is "nervous" about the polls and what happened to him on 28-M.

  • Add
  • CKD
  • Can
  • Yolanda Diaz
  • Irene Montero
  • PSOE
  • Bildu
  • United We Can
  • IU
  • Oriol Junqueras
  • Pablo Iglesias
  • Four
  • Ada Colau
  • Gabriel Rufián

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