A fifth military coup in Sudan since the fall of the former regime was announced late on Tuesday. The new coup that included the arrest of Chief of Staff General Hashim Abdul Muttalib, along with a large number of senior officers, according to information received from Khartoum.

The arrests included a number of NCP-linked figures, such as Secretary-General of the Islamic Movement Zubayr Ahmad al-Hassan, former Foreign Minister Ali Karti and former Human Resources Minister Kamal Abdul Latif.

It is also remarkable that the announcement of the coup attempt was not preceded by a military statement such as the previous attempt, announced by Gamal Omar, a member of the military council.

Al Jazeera Net surveyed many sources to explain what happened in Khartoum in the previous days, and ended with the announcement of the current coup attempt.

According to sources of the island, the main beneficiary of the new coup attempt is Mohammad Hamidati, deputy chairman of the military council (Getty Images)

A meeting in the delinquency of the night
The scene was rediscovered by our first source, a military source with a detailed knowledge of his name. Ali Karti was at the top of the wanted list, after the former attorney general had seized his property.

Karti tried to communicate with the strong military junta leader, General Mohamed Hamdan Hamditi, but failed. On the same night, Karti infiltrated with Kamal Abdel Latif to a house near the residence of Hamidati in Jabra district, south of Khartoum, and through an intermediary asking Hamidati for an urgent meeting with the intention of communicating information very confidentially and hesitating before he agreed to request the urgent interview with the symbols of the former regime.

At the outset, the two sides agreed that the meeting would remain secret in a capital that did not know the secrets. The meeting concluded with understandings between my sheikhs and the men of the Old Testament. The most important points of understanding were to allow Hamidi to use the keys of the ruling party in trade unions and popular rallies. Karti only asked to stop chasing NDP symbols and let them arrange the classes secretly, not publicly.

The first batch of understandings led to the re-establishment of trade unions loyal to the military conference, and has already contributed to reducing the impact of the comprehensive strike called for by the forces of freedom and change. The deep state also contributed to the mobilization of the people in several areas, Nile River.

Hashem is angry .. Why?
According to a second source, the chief of staff, General Hashim Abdulmutallab, has a friendly relationship with former defense minister Abdel Rahim Mohammed Hussein. And began the feelings of anger at the team Hashim by stepping in the selection for the post of head of the junta; he was running before the change as deputy chief of staff. In the sense that he was the direct president of the team Abdul Fattah al-Burhan, the army inspector at the time. Abd al-Muttalib was satisfied with his promotion to the post of chief of staff, but the man was very critical of the sit-in of the General Command as breaking the prestige of the army.

Hashim's critical positions have developed until the fast support line has reached. The straw that broke the relationship between Hashim and Hamiditi is the return of Major General Abbas Abdul Aziz to service and his promotion to the rank of first team.

The man who was sent back to the service had a friendly relationship with the team Hamidati, where Major General Abbas was the first commander of the rapid support, and worked in an understanding with my aunt until I was referred to retirement, and things went to my mercy. All expectations are that Abbas Abdel Aziz will assume the post of defense minister, and perhaps the chief of staff. Here, the concerns of General Abdul Muttalib, who was not consulted, have increased, but the decision was made in his absence.

Rapid-support troops stationed in Khartoum street (Reuters)


The armored vehicles are rebelling again
The sharp rapprochement between Lieutenant General Hamidati and the commander of the armored corps, General Nasruddin Abdul Fattah, was not the first of its kind. Major General Nasruddin objected to the presence of the rapid support forces at the gates of the armored corps.

The second conference came to put an end to the tense relationship, according to a military source confirmed that "whoever tries to carry out a coup does not enter into a conversation with a large leader with his hand pen, as in the case of Hamidati."

The same conclusion came on the lips of a military source that the team Hamidti demanded the referral of Major General Nasr al-Din to retire with his accountant, but Hashim Abdul Muttalib, who previously worked in the armored corps, slowed down and tried to take refuge in the head of the military council, the team Burhan. Instead of finding himself on the retirement chair, Hashim was in jail for a coup.

Exit on the agreement
Ali Karti, a former foreign minister who took the actual leadership of the National Congress Party, moved more effectively, relying on the green light of Hamidati.

Ali Karti began planning for the reunification of the Islamists and the unification of the Islamic Movement and the National Congress in a single entity called the Party of Reform and Development, and found his endeavor welcomed by the Secretary of the Islamic Movement Zubayr Hassan, as well as opposition from other figures in the National Party considered it inappropriate to take any steps and leadership of the party Detainees.

These groups have leaked the news of the new organization to Hamidati, but why is my honor angry? According to a journalist close to the circles of the event, Hamidati was willing to inherit the organization of the National Convention through the formation of a new party in which to take advantage of the traditional rule of Sufi methods and tribal leaders and the business class; this is seen as steps on Karti out of the previous agreement, sought to arrest him and Kamal Abdul Latif and linking them with the military group.

Fingerprint of the Sharif
A number of observers believe that the fingerprint of the team Abdul Ghaffar al-Sharif, the director of political security in the era of Qosh and the security and political adviser to Hamidi is present in the arrangements of the political scene and draw lines.

Sharif was a strong man in the security apparatus, and a close friend of Taha Osman, the director of the office of the isolated president, and forms with my faithfulness tripartite and consistent vision in the visions.

Al-Sharif was able to oust Qosh from the presidency of the security apparatus in 2009. When Qosh returned to head the security apparatus, the detainee was imprisoned for corruption and exploitation of influence. After the popular revolution, Hamidi was released. He was promoted to the rank of team. He was assigned the formation of a rapid support intelligence apparatus, Security and military intelligence.

Sharif's body has drawn up details of what was known as the coup attempt announced yesterday. Here Sharif looks like someone who is wringing himself from the injustice of yesterday's brothers.

According to press sources, Hamidati announced his fifth coup in Khartoum sends a message to his allies in freedom and change that he is the guardian of a loyal democracy, as well as rid of all the disturbing elements in the army, which exceeded his criticism and the forces of rapid support, From restoring their influence, or at the very least organizing their ranks.

What is going on in Khartoum is different from his novel, but the agreed narrative indicates that my prestige is growing stronger with each new morning.

Al-Burhan (right) confirmed that the attempted coup is real (Sudanese press)


The official version
A senior political source confirmed that he had contacted the head of the Transitional Military Council, General Abdel Fattah Barhan, about the reports of a coup attempt. He confirmed that the coup attempt was real and that the intelligence services had monitored this activity for weeks. , And was asked in a friendly manner, did not deny the contacts, but he pointed out that it is just social relations between the personnel of armored vehicles.

The same source said that the organization was able to recruit elements in the army that are not connected to the Islamists, such as Major General Nasruddin Abdel Fattah, commander of armored vehicles, and that the feelings of anti-fast support were united supporters of the coup, and that the coup statement contained the decision to resolve the rapid support, , Such as the team Kamal Abdul Mawarouf, and Brigadier General Ibrahim Ibrahim Abdul Jalil known as Boud Ibrahim.