The sovereign council is a serious obstacle to the agreement of civilians and military in Sudan

Ahmed Fadl-Khartoum

As far as the beginning of the negotiations in Sudan between the military and the representatives of the protesters were smooth, the end was fraught with difficulty and escalation after the delay of the negotiators at the obstacle of the sovereign council.

The final wording on the powers of this council, which has yet to be announced, may have defined any agreement on the way between the military junta and the forces of the Declaration of Freedom and Change, on their respective ratios in the sovereign council, and on the presidency.

According to a member of the negotiating delegation of the forces of freedom and change civilian Abbas, the powers of the Interim Governing Council stipulated in the constitutional declaration of the coalition is the same powers that prevailed in the last democratic government (1986-1989).

Following the agreement of the parties prior to the suspension of negotiations on the terms of reference of the three-year transitional government organs, there were reports that the powers of the sovereign council would be honorable.

Abbas asserts to al-Jazeera Net that the term "honorary" is not legal, because the council of sovereignty must have full sovereign powers.

Sovereign powers
However, Ali al-Sayyid believes that the powers contained in the Freedom and Change Forces document are "honorary," because they have removed the most important measures from the sovereign council, such as declaring a state of emergency and the right to amnesty.

He notes in an interview with Al Jazeera Net that the text also on the issuance of decisions of the Council of sovereign majority of the two members of the Council detracts from the powers, because that is difficult in a mixed council between the military and civilians.

According to the constitutional declaration document adopted by the forces of change, the powers of the sovereign council include the head of state, the symbol of its unity, the supreme commander of the armed forces, the appointment of the Supreme Judicial Council and the appointment of the head of the judiciary after being selected by the Supreme Judicial Council.

It also included the accreditation of Sudanese ambassadors abroad, the acceptance of the accreditation of foreign ambassadors to the Sudan, the declaration of war in consultation with the Prime Minister, the ratification of laws passed by the Legislative Council and the final death sentences from the judiciary.

The document gave the Council the right to appoint the governors of the Territories on the recommendation of the Council of Ministers, provided that the Prime Minister shall lead the oath before it and issue its decisions by a two-thirds majority of the members.

Ali al-Sayyid pointed out that the agreement on the powers of the sovereign council and other structures of government in the transitional period has not been announced so far, and it is not known whether the military council accepted the document of the forces of change or not.

He explained that if the military accepts them, the powers of the sovereign council will be mere ceremonial powers, while it must have real powers to declare war and state of emergency without referring to the cabinet. "How can the right to support death sentences be granted and the right of amnesty granted?"

In the view of the important decisions must be made by a majority of "50% +1", because a two-thirds majority makes it impossible to take the sovereign council of any decisions since it is mixed between the military and civilians.

Negotiating positions
The positions of the military and the representatives of the protesters towards the sovereign council appear to be far apart, with each party sticking to its negotiating roof, forcing both parties to refer the negotiations to the level of the technicians.

Abbas does not see the benefit of continuing negotiations in the light of each party's commitment to his vision, with the dispute referred to the technicians for further discussion in preparation for another round of negotiations.

It reveals that the forces of change proposed negotiating a sovereign council composed of 11 members, 8 civilians and 3 military personnel, while the military council proposed a council of 10 members, 7 military and 3 civilians.

After that, the parties proposed a simple majority by a simple majority, but the dispute was limited to who would preside over the council, as was suggested by the rotating presidency in the absence of mediation.

A member of the negotiating team for the forces of change and leader of the Communist Party, Siddiq Yusuf, confirmed after Monday's round that the minimum forces of change is a sovereignty council composed of 6 civilians versus 5 military and the presidency patrol.

Recycle the chair
Legal Ali al-Sayyid waived the alliance well, but suggested that the rotating presidency of the military begin to address the security files and stop the war to achieve peace with the rebels.

He believed that the three-year transition period should be divided equally between military and civilian personnel.

A second round between the military junta and the forces of change failed to reach an agreement on the sovereign council, and referred the differences to a committee of four people - two from each side - to discuss the differences.