On the bridge of Qasr al-Nil, the oldest bridge established in Egypt and located in the center of Ismailia Cairo and leading to the field of "Ismailia," which will change its name after the establishment of the State of July to the field of liberation, the field that witnessed the birth of the demonstrations and the mass sit-in liberation that led to the fall of President Hosni Mubarak, In the midst of this ancient water bridge, the fiercest confrontation of the January 2011 uprising took place.
On January 28, historically known as "Friday of Anger," the worst clash took place between the crowds of demonstrators and the rebels and the police and central security forces. The international media quoted scenes from that epic, in which the central security used all possible means to end the demonstrations at the end Cruelty and violence, starting with water cannons in the cold January winter, then gas bombs and machine-gun rounds, and then police vehicles trying to beat the protesters.
The martyr "Mustapha El Sawy" from the Agouza area in Cairo, one of the most prominent who fell in front of the violence of the Egyptian police that day, where he received a shot directly in the chest and neck, but was not the only martyr, so far there is no accurate statistics of the number killed by the police that day, Not only in Cairo, but in all Egyptian governorates.
The clashes continued until 6 pm, when the security forces retreated and stormed the crowds coming from the "Palace of the Nile Bridge" Tahrir square. This moment, the moment of the victory of the demonstrators, especially in the battle of the Qasr al-Nil bridge, is the moment when the collapse of the internal security services such as dominoes began, and since its defeat to the rebels on the bridge of the Palace of the Nile, has not stopped falling, "Minister Habib al-Adli told deposed President Mubarak that his forces Was no longer able to stand up and asked him to order the armed forces to take to the streets, and at 5 pm the Republican Guard went to surround and protect the TV building, and Mubarak ordered a curfew between 6 pm and 7 am.
The defeat of the police and central security on that day was a major victory for the demonstrators. Although the defeat was repeated in 1977 during the bread uprising and in 1986 during the rebellion of the Central Security Forces, this time was characterized by "revenge on the police above all" As soon as the parades of the mosques in Cairo, they even clashed with the security forces, which did not hesitate to use lethal force, especially when the residents of the popular areas attacked the police stations, which they have grudges and accumulated hatred over years of forced and systematic violence and indiscriminate torture and immorality experienced by the Egyptian people. (1)
The testimonies gathered that dozens of people were killed and hundreds wounded in clashes with police there, especially in the areas of al-Matareya and Zaynab. However, at sundown that day, soldiers and police officers left their armored vehicles, helmets, weapons and even their black clothes. And prompted them to attack all police stations, torture and murder scenes, at the level of Greater Cairo and the provinces. (1)
After that day, police known as the "internal" forces disappeared completely from the streets of Egypt, and will be the first appearance again during the events of Mohammed Mahmoud Street and the Council of Ministers and the Scientific Complex at the end of 2011 and the beginning of 2012, when it came back to retaliate again from young people taking advantage of the division between The Brotherhood and other political forces, until it was fully ordered on 30 June 2013 back on the shoulders of the people.
In the era of killing, violence and torture, the new era opened with the massacre of Sidi Gaber on 5 July 2013 in Alexandria, in which 18 demonstrators were killed, at least half of them by live bullets in the head (2), and then the massacres will continue for five years, filled with prisons tens of thousands of opponents and filled the graves with hundreds and thousands of dead victims of the violence of the Egyptian police.
All these events make us question the political question of the defeat of the police and its return to the Egyptian street. Let us ask a social and psychological question: Why did the people dare to do so violently against the police as if they were fighting a vendetta that they should win? What is the underlying cause of that latent, systematic and permanent violence in the behavior of the Egyptian police? Is this violent behavior merely an emergency behavior due to demonstrations or is it structural and permanent in the police establishment?
The call of the demonstrators for "human dignity" was not merely a luxury or an elitist stuff, but an urgent demand that can not be understood except in view of the situation of torture and humiliation in the era of Mubarak
There is no life and no freedom ... Let us avenge our dignity
"Shoufa Tunisia al-Afiyya, you have revolutionized water, you revolutionized it and you, you expelled the biggest corrupt, and the injustice is on you and above," shouted the first demonstrators on January 25, 2011 walking the streets of Greater Cairo and Suez and Alexandria encourage the people to join, : "Revolution in Tunisia in Egypt, revolution in all the streets of Egypt / And when you people will be angry once? For what we hold Alharramih / gang and we control the desire to burn non-religious / and the crisis of Egypt in the system is not in trouble and sit-in." (3)
But the most important cheers came in line with the darkness of the entire people subjected to injustice, torture, murder and humiliation was: "Those who are between us and Tar, not appeasement and waiting," and then followed him: "Glucose drunk oil, even beans, light and protection .. Leave our lives bitter in bitter, Life is fond of fire, see our treatment Shoufa Sakana, even meat and vegetables. (3)
"Human dignity" is not merely a luxury or eloquence, but an urgent demand that can not be understood except in view of the situation of torture and humiliation. In the era of Mubarak and in the present era under the rule of General Abdul Fattah al-Sisi, where he wrote the site "human rights monitor" 4 only two years after the rule of General Cissi: "the collapse of freedoms and human rights and back to the dark ages, killing and repression and torture of political opponents, All citizens, and the inflation of the state of fear and opinion, as well as false promises and false projects, and the era of Su DONC in the history of Egyptian justice system.
A police force and an interior ministry full of corruption, a battered economy and the institutions of a worn-out state, blighted the area of freedoms and human rights in full, high rates of inflation, unemployment, crime and poverty, low basic services "electricity, water, hospitals and transportation" , The high unemployment rates, the issuance of laws that allow the waste of public money, the price of crazy prices, and a large part of the support.
The state and its security services have gone beyond the limits of the practice of repression against dissidents, so humiliation and torture become a daily spectacle that chooses its victims indiscriminately
Just as the security forces wanted after July 3, 2013, to avenge their defeat in 2011, they beat everyone who saw them on the street. They did not differentiate between political forces and ordinary individuals, between a young man and a child, a man and a woman, Police officers in the last 10 years of Mubarak's rule when they felt the rise of the challenge of individuals other than the political forces of their authority.
The State and its security services have "crossed the limits of the practice of repression against dissenters. Humiliation and torture become a daily spectacle that chooses victims indiscriminately, as if the torture of random victims imposes a message to the people that no one is immune to it." Beyond torture and systematic humiliation, the victim is tortured, intimidated and the like People.
What was done by the young officer, Islam Abdulsalam Nabih, who was the rank of captain, is an example. In 2006, as he passed through a transport post in the Bulaq Dakrour district of Giza, where the "minibuses" lined up, Law or morals or law on a young driver, as usual behavior practiced by the members of the security establishment every day in Egypt from insulting and the use of violence and beatings for anyone who does not offer obedience and prostrate his head, an important measure in the police culture that has nothing to do with the law.
Police officers ordered the arrest of the driver Imad, who is known among his colleagues as Imad al-Kabir, and took him to the section to receive what he knows. "The party", which is the victim's beating on the back of the head and beating his entire body with a leather belt and a shum, a deep disobedience causing severe pain, but what happened to Imad exceeded all the limits of torture.
The "scenes of torture" depicted at the time amounted to the usual hobby of police officers, officers were competing among themselves to portray their power and immorality and boast of their brutal practices, published video clips, most notably a number of officers appeared as if in a game to slap a young man quickly and violently on his face, And another appearance showed the process of the skin of a girl and suspended during the questioning of a crime, and between those videos emerged officer officer Islam Nabih to show the extent of humiliation and humiliation suffered by a group of psychologically disoriented Egyptian people. (5)
After the captain ordered the arrest of Imad al-Kabir, the force took him to the Bulaq al-Dakrour section. The officer ordered the soldiers to shackle the victim, restrain him and strip him. He then whipped him with a whip he was carrying and a soldier took him under his feet and kicked him. And another officer filmed this scene with his mobile phone camera, echoing the threats and threats to Imad to broadcast these scenes between his family and his family in order to humiliate him. (5)
Indeed, in the face of persecution and humiliation, the video was deliberately leaked to the drivers of the Bulaq district, with an implicit message saying, "This is the punishment of those who dare to raise their heads." This humiliating video sparked a campaign among bloggers to expose the violations of the security establishment within police stations and detention centers throughout the country. [5] When the matter spread and there was no room for concealment, the Minister of the Interior made a decisive decision but not to punish the guilty criminals who committed the crime Shanaa, but made a decision to prevent the entry of mobile phones to the police stations! (6)
However, the Administrative Court of Justice has overturned the Minister's decision because it constitutes an attack on their personal rights as stipulated in the Constitution. However, the decision of the Minister and the security establishment follows from judicial and legal circles that facilitate the abuse, humiliations, humiliation and torture of human beings to death by judges, prosecutors and supervisors. The party is fully responsible for the police crimes, as if their tongue says: "Do what they can to you but without scandals."
The second example, depicting the scene of torture and security violence in Egypt from the governorate of Alexandria, which was considered the "capital of torture" in the Arab world for the last year of the Mubarak era 2010, according to the name launched by a rights center monitored the torture that took place that year, In addition to the cases of systematic and indiscriminate killing outside the police stations, in addition to the cases of torture and murder inside the security corridors of the state in Alexandria, which will see after the military coup in 2013 the most violent confrontations and bloody massacres In most a J Alexandria between the demonstrators and the forces of the army and police. (7)
The big coastal city and Egypt's second capital in 2010 embraced the flame of fire that will ignite the January 25 revolution. On one dark night, a young man from a middle-class social center got a video of police officers near his home, Sidi Gaber, And money confiscated from a drug dealer. (7)
The young man broadcast the video he had received on the Internet from inside the Internet cafe (Cyber), which is located below his residence, and apparently one of them was wailing, and the members of the mabahith condemned by the tape to retaliate from the young man, attacked a group of them cafe and grabbed the young man, and two Of the members of the group severely assaulted him in order to publicly publicize him, and put his head in the armrest and the iron door until they smashed him and left him bleeding in the courtyard of the building, and left the young man uttering his last breath before reaching even to the nearby hospital. (7)
Then appeared on the social networking site "Facebook" group named after that young man, under the name "we are all Khalid Said," which launched a few months after the spark of the revolution in Egypt. But before the revolution began, another incident took place when the people of Alexandria were surprised by the explosion in front of the Church of the Saints in Sidi Beshr. Before the start of any investigation, the police went and brought a young man called "Sayed Bilal" and threw him into torture rooms. A dead, mutilated body is transported to the most famous morgue in Alexandria, the morgue of Kom Dikka.
The NADIM Center for Psychiatric Rehabilitation and Treatment documented at this stage the victims of the security violence. The center recorded 51 deaths in the prisons that died under torture between 2003 and 2006. The center also documented the names of 272 officers involved in the torture of Egyptian citizens, Including sexual harassment or the threat of rape to interrogate the accused and reprisals of the victims, including electrocution, whipping, beatings and castration. During 2010, Nadim also documented 763 cases of individual and collective torture, all of which bore the same cruelty. (7)
After the military coup, the police added other methods to violate the bodies of detainees and citizens, including indiscriminate live fire, rape of girls inside police stations
After the military coup in 2013, the number of political prisoners in Egypt reached 41 thousand detainees, according to the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights in 2014, 8 and in the same year the number of deaths in detention centers in the police stations and stations in Cairo and Giza only in the period from January to 16 November 2014 to 90. [9]
The police also added other methods to violate the bodies of detainees and citizens, including indiscriminate live fire, rape of girls in police stations, the full exposure of the detainees, severe beatings, electrocution, rape and occasional abductions, the abduction of women and girls and the threat of rape in front of their families. Not only to peaceful dissidents but to anyone on the street.
Behind all these scenes is the shadow of confusion: How did the police arrive to that ugly form of violence and blood? Are these behaviors a particular political context or is that violent behavior inherent and inherent within the institution? Perhaps we should go back a little bit to explore how the violence inside the Egyptian police establishment turns into an authentic culture within it, then to consider the psyche of those individuals who commit such violence and to question their psychology and the source of their behavior.
History of the Kingdom of Terror
"The dog becomes a Deep .. butcher and remains a doctor
Military and military .. No Tar and no
And protect her haraam .. Hramiha protector!
O you never Makar .. Halal you Karar "
(Poet Naguib Sorour)
Some historians attribute the relationship of terror between the citizen and the policeman and the violent behavior of police officers in Egypt to the Mamluk heritage or the heritage of al-Dafsharma. The Dafsharma, which means blood tax, is a system that produced what is historically known as Peshkarism. They are slaves who were brought by the Ottomans from Eastern Europe as young children, who were then raised and subjected to hard military training and administrative training and attached to the army or important administrative posts. These soldiers treated the Egyptians harshly and harshly and looked down upon the sons of Egypt. It was one of the most common punishments in the Ottoman era: skin, beard, beating, noses, hand cutting, deafening and defamation.
In the book "Ruins, Reflections on the Revolutions of Empires," published by Count Constantin de Volney in 1791 after spending four years traveling in Egypt and Syria, "Everything in Egypt under sight or hearing indicates that this country is a country Slavery and tyranny, you do not hear anything new except to have a link with a civil marriage or a general infidelity, extortion of money, rape of a right, torture of beatings or loss of spirit, security of life and money is lost, human blood is wasted like animal blood, And the foundations of the night and the police in their tours of the night and the Nahariya to maintain security and order, The dissenters see this as the reason why they attack the positions of the soldiers and accompany them where they go and accompany them where they are dissolved. What is a sign from one of them until you see the head of an oppressed? Hot to the bottom of the leather bag. " (10)
"If the seriousness of the same guilt justifies exposing the culprit to such a punishment, you often find that the motivation to walk among people with such abuse is in the same big hands of the thorns and the wailing or the wailing of an abhorrent enemy, which results in the suspect being called to have If he denies that he has money to appear, he fulfills what is required (1) to throw up two hundred lashes or three hundred lashes, and this beating often leads to his death. That it is something of the ease and prosperity, as no one went to this suspicion except the eyes were m Thoth around him to spy on him, there is soon to reach his command to those concerned ... and not Bmissour one can save himself from the evil of the powerful attack on his money unless demonstrated extreme poverty and wearing of Palliative and Alzraip her pussy. " (10)
Muhammad Ali Pasha's verdict was to determine and reinforce these painful corporal punishments. For example, the law of agriculture, which Muhammad Ali devised to deal with the crimes most often related to the destruction of public property and the cultivation of land and the conduct of public officials, provides for twenty- , And Egyptian historian Khaled Fahmy argues that the idea of corporal punishment was based on the injury of the body of the culprit pain as well as publicly insulting him. "More importantly, corporal punishment was also used as a deterrent to others by showing the fate of those who dare to violate the permissible limits in a clear and unambiguous manner."
European consuls in Cairo and Alexandria were fond of recording these public sanctions. Including a situation that occurred when the prolonged siege of Acre by the Egyptian army, which had previously eluded Napoleon, caused alarm in Cairo and rumors spread among the civilian population. Muhammad Ali ordered the beatings of three people and the hanging of their bodies on one of the gates of old Cairo, with banners on their chests saying: "This is the punishment of those who do not hold their tongues." (11)
Fahmi explains that the logic of these inhuman cruel punishments is the sole revenge of the monarch or the sole ruler against the person who dared to violate his wishes. Al-Jabrati stated that Muhammad Ali had said: "My rule was remote in the remote regions as well as nearby, And others, unlike the market of Egypt, they do not deter what is done by them and governors of Hesba of humiliation and abuse, they must have a person who oppresses them and does not have mercy on them and does not give them. (11)
Mohamed Ali is historically known as the founder of modern Egypt. He has re-established and restored state institutions and bureaucracy, and built the army, factories and fleets.
"This text contains far more than just the desire to establish the rule of law and order," says Khaled Fahmy. "We see here a hint of revenge," he says, taking these crimes very seriously because he considers them an attack on his personal sovereignty. سيادته التي جُرحت بشكل مؤقت، وكان العقاب العلني يعتبر طريقة لإعادة إنشاء هذه السيادة.. فعلاوة على الجريمة التي أودت باحترام صاحب السيادة، سوف تكون العقوبات العلنية أمام جميع الأعين قوة لا تُقهر، فهي لا تهدف إلى إعادة تأسيس توازن، بقدر ما تهدف في حدها الأقصى إلى انعدام التماثل بين التابع الذي جرؤ على انتهاك القانو † and the mighty king who reviews his power. "(11)
The British soldier, Richard Francis Burton, who visited Egypt in 1853, said: "If a man deals with a police officer or enters the police station for any reason, he or she will be punished. He must have been beaten by the officer or responsible for him on his back even before the charge against him. " "If you are a foreigner, you will be given the back and I will take you to the consulate of your country," Burton said.
Mohammed Ali is historically known as the founder of modern Egypt. He re-established and rehabilitated the institutions of the state and its bureaucracy, built the army, factories and fleets, and removed law and decrees from the domain of the individual ruler to the "state." Did these laws change the harsh corporal punishment that Egypt was known for in the Ottoman era And Mamluk until the beginning of the era of Muhammad Ali?
Public hanging was carried out in large areas and important gathering places in urban centers
Punishment of the law that does not protect the weak and the fools and the emergence of prisons
However, the Basha and his representatives of the police and the army commanders continue to torture the body of the victim. The body will continue to have its limits, and the Egyptian human body will not tolerate cruel punishment. It will become a dead body, and the nascent state will lose its soldiers, workers and employees. This may not be an effective deterrent to others. Committing the crime itself, and above it requires the effectiveness of this kind of deterrence to be a huge review and a great attendance.
Public hangings were therefore carried out in large squares and places of great concentration in urban centers, but this also had its limits, because only a limited number of people could be found at the moment of review, and if the harsh and enchanting nature of the scene was intended to make it part of an extended program Of the stories transmitted by the onlookers to the absentees, it will soon reveal more abstract means, conveying in a more efficient manner the impossibility of impunity and the relation of punishment to the crime committed.
This was the fundamental role played by the law, ie the representation of the sovereign in his absence. Where the rule of law and order that characterized the rule of Muhammad Ali is his ability to strip the meaning of "sovereignty" within the legal terms spread power and prestige and distributed everywhere within his kingdom, to become power hidden and at the same time, the security men can get them out of their words into effect An area of evasion or compassion, and the practice of public punishment has become a routine of legal rules. (13)
During the reign of Said Pasha, the criminal laws of Muhammad Ali Pasha were a window, where a sheikh sent to a village a person wanted to recruit to hide him, ordered the governor to hang him in public in the city of Tanta
After the sanctions targeted the body of the culprit and predicted the most severe pain, the goal became the minds of the public and their bodies. "In this most subtle manifestation of power, it achieves subjugation of objects through control of ideas." Legal rules become one of the most effective tools of authority by defining crimes, stabilizing the sentences and determining the perpetrators of the bureaucratic pyramid. (13)
The next development came in the middle of 1861, when the governor of the country, Saeed Pasha, issued a high order to all district directors and police officers to replace the penalty of imprisonment with a regulation officially known as the "replacement of beatings with imprisonment". According to these regulations, "the sanctions that some of the perpetrators of beatings are subjected to are intended to discipline those who commit adultery and sins, not to return to them, to deter others and to observe the effect while preventing harm. (14) Nevertheless, the harsh and terrifying form of corporal punishment remained very present within the kingdom of the Pasha.
Prince Rudolf of the Austro-Hungarian ruling family Al Habsburg, who visited Egypt at the end of the reign of Khedive Ismail, tells us that Masri is terrified of those who wear formal clothes. He cut the story of Kholi or the head of Anvar, A royal servant wearing formal clothes. Rudolf is so astonished that he is an Austrian prince, and at that time Austria was known for its brutal repressive rule and poor treatment of the peasants. (15th)
In 1856, during the reign of Said Pasha, Muhammad Ali Pasha's criminal laws were in force. A village elder sent a wanted person to hide him. The governor ordered him to be hanged in Tanta, even though the penalty was up to 500 lashes. The death sentence was carried out by the sheikh of Balad in Monouf because he was forced to work, although the original punishment was only 45 days. (15) The security personnel remained so wild until the English occupation, which claimed that it would save the parish of Egypt from the injustice of the rulers.
The English came to Egypt to find everything ready for their new sovereignty, the minds of the public and their bodies fear the harsh punishment of the police and avoid it
Thanks to the Pasha family .. Let the English complete the mission
"There are two ways to establish a political authority over the inhabitants of a region: the method of repression, the method of education, the latter being far-reaching and working on the mind," wrote a French military officer in Algeria in a report on an uprising that his forces in Ami (1845-1846) It must come first. " "The essential thing is to make them something that we can hold our grip on, and when we have them, we can then make many things that are completely impossible for us today that may have allowed us to capture their minds after we captured their bodies." (16)
The English came to Egypt to find everything ready for their new sovereignty. The minds of the public and their bodies fear the cruel punishment of the police and avoid it. All that remains is complete control over the bodies and minds. After the English entered and controlled the modern machine guns of Cairo and the collapse of the government in 1882, Which is in fact equivalent to the modern emergency law. It was called "roadblocks", which the government tried to crush local armed groups resisting English troops in the Egyptian countryside. The British used all the techniques that became familiar with The military police, the secret police, the counselors and the mass prison. The country's prisons were filled with four times its capacity and the systematic use of torture. (16)
Examples of torture used to extract confessions from suspects included hanging people in iron bands and burning the body with ferried iron nails. A decade after the introduction of "roadblocks", a more disciplined, widespread and sustained police system was replaced. Colonel Kachener, a British officer in the Egyptian army, was appointed Inspector General of the Egyptian Police, and he turned modern methods of inspection, communication and discipline into a continuous process of political power.
After the coup d'état of July 52, Gamal Abdel Nasser raised the slogans of dignity and pride, but the policies of his military regime did not differ significantly from the monarchy associated with the British occupation
In addition to organizing the police force, a comprehensive system of English inspection was established within the Ministry of the Interior, which reflected the new bureaucracy governing internal affairs in Egypt. The internal affairs of Egyptian village life were subject to constant supervision. To help, the 50,000 local village chiefs were subsequently assigned government salaries, brought to regional centers for military training and provided with weapons. (16)
The Khafra had to assist in police surveillance of criminals, suspected persons and all known "bad characters" or anti-British authorities. Finally, a series of government regulations were introduced to suppress any "internal disturbance," including preventing the carrying of arms on all but " Local or landowners and traders with recital. " The new methods of control were very successful. They destroyed the rural resistance groups, killed their leaders by fire or arrested, and put an end to attacks on British property. (16) the same function that will be the police and central security institution during the state of July.
Raise your head, my brother has passed the era of slavery .. The era of oppression and humiliation
After the coup d'état of July 52, Gamal Abdel Nasser raised the banner of dignity and pride. However, the policies of his military regime did not differ significantly from the monarchy associated with the English occupation. Despite the abolition of the political police in all branches of major cities and regions in early August of the year fifty- Less than a month after the coup d'état, the period of Nasser's rule has seen widespread arrests of a large number of opinion-makers and opponents of the political system. Violence and torture have also appeared in Nasser's prisons, as Ahmed Ra'ef tells in his important book The Black Gate, as Saad Zahran tells us in The Diary of the Ordei Prison, as adviser Ali Jarisha tells in his memoirs. The police then played a violent role in the face of student and labor protests in 1968.
And the violence has escalated. Anyone who has a different opinion is more explicit or even hinted at. The film "We Are Busing the Bus" is very clear about this period, and political or even talk about it is synonymous with corruption and corruption. There is even an article published in the Public Security Magazine at the time The writer describes the classification of "internal security into two parts: one is the security of the individual, the other is the security of the state, and the writer knows the security of the individual as protecting him from the aggression that may be on his soul or money, and called this aggression criminal activity, As a safety and integrity of the ruling regime and protect it from any destructive activity in its various forms Œ. It is expressed in political activity " (17)
In the mid-1970s, there were some incidents in which people who were not involved in any political activity were tortured and had no close or no relation to the regime. Some of them were accused of criminal charges or misdemeanors, then detained and subjected to torture until they were killed, There are several documented facts, especially in the frankincense police department in Alexandria, 17 and some other similar incidents have been repeated to this day. Between 1974 and 1976, violent incidents took place between the police on the one hand and groups of citizens on the other. Those events to the bread uprising in 1977 and the establishment of the central security forces that will have him A significant political role in the protection of the Mubarak regime until its fall in 2011, then dominated the Egyptian police to the street again in 2013.
An example of this occurred in the police station of Sayeda Zeinab, where police arrested a group of butchers working in the area of the altar. The butchers were subjected to ill-treatment by the police, which was characterized by severe violence and torture. There were reports of the death of one of the butchers under torture in the section, The events quickly developed and gathered after that a large number of the islanders of the region and attacked the police station and threw bricks and stones and balls of fire burning, and a huge battle broke out between the parties. (17)
The new security relationship between the people and the police, which arose during the reign of Nasser and Sadat, reached its climax in the era of Mubarak and Sisi. The security establishment and its new clans inherited the legacy of violence under Mohammed Ali, the enslavement system and the protection of the ruler during the British occupation. , And all this was accompanied by political sovereignty. In the 18-year rule of Nasser, the number of arrest warrants was 14,000, while the 11-year rule of Sadat held larger numbers on political issues that did not differ K In its content, the circle of opponents of the political system has expanded to encompass the entire population. (17)
What is new in the nature of this violence is that it has become more brutal, ranging from the systematic violence that has killed thousands of innocent people to torture, indiscriminate violence that kills a person who disagrees with him, praises and represents his body inside or outside police stations, Imad al-Kabir ", how to understand these violent behaviors and how to understand the psychological perpetrators?
Psychological motivations behind police violence
In 2009, an Egyptian citizen was killed after a police officer removed his weapon and shot him. The victim was an Egyptian handball player and the offender was a police officer in the Giza section. In 2008, another citizen was killed after being shot by a police officer in the street and the victim A taxi driver and a police officer with the guards of the cabinet. In the same year and the same month, another citizen was subjected to insulting and electrocution by a police officer, the victim was a judge of the State Council and the police offender. (17) and many other incidents so far that police officers commit violent crimes that result in murder without any guilt of the victim, how do we understand those behaviors that have become a common pattern?
In addition to the previous historical context, which made the security establishment a sovereign institution related to the authority of the ruling regime, the psychological motives of this violent and repeated behavior begin from the first moments when the students of the police college learn that the violence will become an integral part of his future work through the changes in his behavior During the course of the work, and the changes in his character and the justifications that he is inclined to believe in, in order to legitimize his practice of violence and murder without being subjected to hesitation or reprimand. (17)
At that point, the student of the police academy is convinced that he is defending the homeland, imposing order, security and stability and fighting the evil enemies of the country who want to destroy it. Thus, violence and torture against anyone who wants to undermine his former faith is a duty and a legitimate project to protect himself and protect the country. The basic psychological techniques that make him carry out the orders of his leader whatever his cost, and to see all opponents of the political system devils must be exterminated and the confiscation of their bodies without any controls or caveats, and at the same time implanted the faculty in mind and the same demanded that the practitioners of systematic violence and torture and their heads are the icons of A night sacrificed for the homeland and raised.
A person who has been able to systematically and systematically move to a more intense and ferocious stage, in which he fully unites with power
In addition to these psychological techniques, the college and the security establishment cultivate in the minds of its members through education and indoctrination programs that seem to be glamorous for the use of violence. The Central Security Forces, for example, attack the demonstrators to protect the country from their evils and because they are "communist infidels" or "corrupt" Insulting the reputation of Egypt, or because they deal with a foreign country hostile to Allah and His Messenger, and the police institution attend a number of elders and clerics to wash the minds of recruits in that form.
The officers, for example, justify the newly graduated officer, who works with the Central Security Forces, his willingness to attack his troops on a number of protesters, a reasoned justification: "He said that senior leaders told him that the protesters demands and that the state will not achieve them at any time, and therefore, the continuation of the sit-in will not The demonstrators may realize that the state will not respond to their demands may go out in a demonstration, and the demonstration may include elements of sabotage, and the elements will destroy the cars and shops and steal and destroy the country, it is best to deal with the protesters at full speed and dispersed by beatings or bombs A tear against any unsafe development. " (17)
Former police chief Mahmud Qatari described the officer's psychology in a work environment urging him to practice torture: "... This analysis supports what we have learned from what the officer has done since he entered the police academy. He is used to strengthen his position as if he were cutting chess without the will of them to achieve victory, which is the achievement of statistics, the vibration of the position of the officer to move him from the place of income more and more rewarding, or his fantasies By deduction of salary or salary Stop or refer to the reserve, makes him in a humanitarian dilemma, he may not find what buys the basic needs of food and clothing and housing for him and his children
Is not that a threat enough to pay the officer to do anything and sacrifice the citizen for his pension and life? No doubt the sword on the necks, and the evidence that one of my friends in the police of the wolves statistical work on the percentage of officers referred to the disciplinary court and found that approaching 35% of officers, if it is in fact a conflict of interests over life and food. (18) But if these words provide explanations for the systematic violence committed by the police, what about indiscriminate retaliatory violence?
Researcher Basma Abdel Aziz says that at that stage "a person who has been able to systematically and systematically move to a more intense and cruel stage, in which he fully unites with power, moves from work to preserve the law he has studied in all his texts, This law, "and disappear the separations between power and law and the individual, which leads to the individual to increase the feeling gained superiority over others, and later a defect in the evaluation of itself, as the artist Ahmed Zaki that situation in the film" wife of an important man. "
In this case, the police officer fails to recognize the limits that define his authority, his abilities and powers. At this point, development takes the form of violence, and the need for psychological mechanisms and techniques previously used for systematic violence disappears, as there is no need for them. To a state, order and enemies, to be replaced by another division based on individualism, in which the individual is placed in power and the law itself against the whole society.
In this context, the broad justification that the officer has set for himself, such as the protection of the homeland and the establishment of the system, is replaced by purely personal motives. The individual is absolved of his absolute authority, and as long as there is no accountability or deterrent, there is no objection to dropping the law itself. , And in a working environment that constantly threatens to cut his salary, with absolute social and legal authority and the absence of any mechanism of accountability, every officer in his group comes out with a desire to use absolute power to end the life of any person by shooting at him immediately.
This is how the historical legacy of the police establishment, which bears the symbols of absolute authority launched by Muhammad Ali and reinforced by the English occupation, is maintained and maintained by the state of July, with the psychological motives of the officers, in the absence of any deterrent to the use of absolute power and extreme violence. Of black crows, and a huge arsenal of ammunitions, which they are surrounded by an empire of corruption, violence and thugs.