Abu Nawwas al-Hasan bin Hani (d. 198 AH / 813 CE) told us: Hammad bin Salamah (d. 167 AH / 784 CE) told us, on the authority of Yazid al-Raqashi (d.119 AH / 738 CE), on the authority of Anas bin Malik (d. 93 AH / 713 CE), he said: The Messenger of God said: “None of you should die until he thinks well in God, for having good thoughts of God is the price of paradise.”

Abu Nawas?!

Yes, it is !!

It is the poet who became famous for Majoon!

The scholars - in their narration on the authority of Abu Nawas - went beyond his uncontrolled poetic states to carry his ammunition from the narrations of the hadith itself, walking him in the group of those who carried it, regardless of the degree of their evaluation of the validity of these narrations.

This al-Hafiz al-Baghdadi (d. 463 AH / 1072 CE) translates - in 'The History of Baghdad' - by the hadith Muhammad bin Ibrahim bin Katheer al-Sayrafi (d. After 273 AH / 886 CE), saying that he “narrated from him, on the authority of Abu Nawas al-Shaer, two isnad hadiths” !!

Returning to the hadith narrated by our poet Abu Nawas on the authority of God,

These lines offer some of that historically documented charity, revealing the other side of the life of the people of literature and poetry whose personalities are to be standardized in the space of immorality and chaos, and the confinement of Islamic literary social life in taverns and deviations, while the texts - narrated in the compilations of respected Hadith imams - confirm that There is another path that goes towards repentance, obedience and discipline, marking the lives of many poets.

These sources inform us that a wide range of writers - or at the very least the symbols of those who are intended to be described as poets of immorality and immorality - as long as their personal experiences include other contradictory features;

Because of it - as we will see later - they had a great scientific and preaching influence even on ascetic imams and religious sheikhs, in addition to the scholarly roles they had in which those who became great imams sat, and social and cognitive contributions on which arts related to legal and literary knowledge were founded.

It was a mistake inherited from that firm belief in a common postulate that goes to the interconnection between some areas of literature, culture and art - in the Islamic cultural experience - and the stereotype that we are trying to dislodge with the transversal data.

As in the classes of the flags of the Islamic civilization in various fields, there are many kinds of behavior;

Literature and the arts were this way, as the ascetic poets, for example, represented an inspiring cultural sect in Islam, and before them the companions poets formed a pivotal role in the work of establishing Islam and promoting its message.

However, this treatment presented here is not an argument against the contents of the translations and the negative stereotypes emanating from the personalities of the poets in the balance of moral values. From researchers and scholars of the history of literary life in general to fit the parts of the picture in a way that serves the truth historically and culturally.

This article strikes a bit of success when its publication coincides with the celebrations of the World Poetry Day, and on that occasion it aspires to contribute to the liberation of some cloudy images of poets and writers who have remained trapped in the unfair pattern, because such a historical survey provided helps us to observe a hidden aspect of the history of the course of ideas, and the reality of Cultural and societal groups in the Islamic civilization;

There were no two lives in the Islamic civilization, one for poetry and the other for Sharia, but it was one life that was plagued by omission, wakefulness, error, sin, repentance and proxy.

After one


, "she said Sid bin Abdul Karim (Althagafi T. 180 AH / 797 AD) ,

his father said: Entered on Farazdaq (T 110 AH / 728 AD) he

moves .

If the leg is, I said: What 's

this ?! He said: I swore not to

Remove it

even memorize the

Koran!" !

The content of this text - which was mentioned by the modern Imam Ibn Katheer (d. 774 AH / 1310 CE) in his book “The Beginning and the End” - was not the most prominent of what came to us in the history books and translations of al-Farazdaq and his poets.

The general image of many symbols of literature - and Arabic poetry in particular and in its most brilliant times - refers, as we mentioned, to mental images stylized about their personalities and their lives.

But if we search in the stomachs of the records of history and the pages of translations, we will encounter the most famous symbols of the poem - since the Umayyad and Abbasid eras - preoccupied with interests that embody in worship the conditions of the knowledgeable, and meet with scholars of Islamic knowledge on equal basis, but which remained absent from discussion and deliberation.

We do not mean here poets known by the Islamic civilization with this trend since they became something mentioned in literary circles.

Rather, we mean the companions of satire poems that were known as opposites, namely: Al-Farazdaq (d.110 AH / 728 CE) and Jarir (d.110 AH / 728 CE), and the poet most relevant to the subject of this article is Umar ibn Abi Rabi’a (d.93 AH / 711 CE) who was martyred as an invader for the sake of God, and his heir Al-Araji (d. 120 AH / 738 CE) who used to spend his money on the conqueror soldiers, and Abu Nawas (d. 198 AH / 813 CE) who sought jurisprudence and hadith among the great scholars of his time, narrated from him by the most prominent imams and founded the poetry of religious supplication.

If we came to the point with which we started the list of poets of this hadith, even though it was not the most subject to appeal and accusation in its religion and public behavior compared to other poets;

We will find what Ibn Asaker (d. 571 AH / 1176 AD) - in the History of Damascus - tells us about him when he was among the multitudes of mourners for one of them in the cemetery.

Then Imam was an

ascetic ,

"Al -

Hassan (optical T. 110 AH / 728 AD) on yielding and Farazdaq on his camel, Fassara (parallel), Al Hassan Farazdak said: What do people say? He

said: They say: This funeral day saw the

best of

people, Aanonk; evil people, Aanona! he said to

him (Hassan): O Abu Firas I'm not fine people, I preached the

people! then he said to

him Hasan: what I have

prepared for this day? he

said: the

testimony that there is

no god but Allah, eighty years ago! "

Sang he says:


I fear beyond the

grave if not Aaavni more ** from the

grave infection and Odiqa


if I received the

Day of

Resurrection commander ** violent and drivers marketed Alffersdakka


have disappointed the

children of

Adam walked ** to the

fire chained necklace blue


Cried Hassan until it was

buried, and

then committed ( = He hugged him (Al-Farazdak) and said: You were among the most hated of people to me, and today you are one of the most beloved of people to me!

However, this amendment that entered Al-Hassan's view of the farzqa is not the one that Al-Rukban walked through history. Rather, the other negative information about the separation remained the most present in the background.

Hence, we find Ibn Qutaybah al-Dinuri (d. 276 AH / 889 CE) describing him - in his book “Poetry and Poets” - saying: “And Al-Farazdaq was an immoral one.”

We also read with Ibn Bassam Al-Shantrini (d. 542 AH / 1147 AD) - in “Al-Thakhira in the Beauties of the People of the Island” - who said: “Among those who also took this path among the vocal poets who speak in the tongues of the devils: the separation.”

The first people to bring his name together with al-Farazdaq when invoking negative stereotypical images of poets;

He is his rival, Jarir bin Atiyya, whom he counted - specifically in the field of content - Abu al-Abbas al-Qalqashandi (d.821 AH / 1418 CE) - in Subuh al-Asha ’- in the list of“ Who was an individual in his time to be set as an example ”in the satire outside the requirements of the teachings of virtues and morals Islamic.

However, the hadith hadith al-Dhahabi (d. 748 AH / 1348 CE) translated by Jarir in 'The Life of the Flags of the Nobles';

He quoted, “On the authority of Uthman al-Taymi (d. After 110 AH / 728 CE), he said: I saw Jira and what was attached to his lips of praise! And it was said: Jarir was chaste and repentant (= a lot of repentance)."

Perhaps this description of this imam outweighs the image of Jarir in contrast to any negative impression that has spread about him.

A conservative understanding


The Arabic poem was influenced in Islamic times by many contents that were not without them in the era of ignorance, but the relentless pursuit of its use was the separating thread between the poets ’impression of a certain color or their safety from it, and here was the challenge!

The problems of friction between the two approaches depict for us what Ibn Katheer reported - in his interpretation - in the verse that described the poets as saying what they do not do, (Surat Al-Shuara '/ verse: 226).

He mentioned, “The Commander of the Faithful, Umar ibn al-Khattab (d. 23 AH / 644 CE) - may God be pleased with him - used (= made him the ruler) Nu'man bin Adi bin Nidlah (al-Adawi, around 30 AH / 652 CE) on Maysan - from the land of Basra - and he used to say poetry, He said:


If you regret me, then water me with the older ** and do not lead me to the youngest who is obedient,


perhaps the Commander of the Faithful will make him worse ** You will reprimand us with the destructive indulgence !!

When the Commander of the Faithful reached that, he said: By God, that is not bad for me!

It is given

to the Vlabrh I have his isolation, and wrote to

him: ")basm God the

Merciful * Download the

book Ham from God Aleem Aziz * ,

forgiving sin and met with

severe punishment of

repentance ,

the Bountiful is

no god but him Almasir(, (Sura poets / verse: 1-3 );

But after that, I have


reached

your saying:

Perhaps the Commander of the Faithful will make him worse ** You reprimand us with the destroyed prostration !!


And swear of God, He does not hurt me!

I have isolated you. ”

When he came to Omar, I cried (= rebuked him) with this poetry, and he said: By God - O Commander of the Faithful - I have never drank it, and that poetry is nothing but something rash on my tongue.

Omar said: I think so, but by God, you do not work for me at all, and you have said what you said !!

While al-Faruq understood the requirements of the poetic approach of the companion Ibn Uday, he decided to be firm in adopting the disciplinary measures to preserve the reputation of the position of public responsibility, despite the close lineage linking it to this cousin, as both belong to one Qureshi stomach.

This precedent was the basis for a state of reservation - which is interchangeable in many of its forms with uncertainty - which imposed itself when evaluating the affairs of poets and writers, and cast a shadow over cultural life since the experience of the first ruler after the successors of the Companions, which is Yazid bin Muawiya (d.64 AH / 683 CE).

Al-Dhahabi said - in al-Sirah - about Yazid this: “He had good hair, and he used to ... eat intoxicants and do evil.”

As for his cousin Al-Waleed bin Yazid bin Abd al-Malik (d. 126 AH / 744 CE), who succeeded the caliphate by about fifty years;

Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani (d. 356 AH / 967 CE) said about him in his book “Al-Aghani”: He has in “Al-Khamr and described it as many poems that the poets took and brought them into.”

This is because if the people adhered to the religion of their kings, then a wide literary current from the beginning fell under accusation with the approach of your ruling two men, despite the presence of evidence in the translations that continued to indicate something that does not fall within that stereotypical classification.


Stereotypical impressions, and


if on the one hand this represents a moral exclusion of a large group of poets from the anchor of the ethical system that governs the society of Islamic civilization;

The paradox is that these people remained present in it - and indeed in the most sacred sites in it - through citing their poems in the interpretation of the Noble Qur’an and the hadiths of the Prophet.

Here is the linguistic Imam Abd al-Qadir al-Baghdadi (d. 1093 AH / 1682 CE) talking about their class - in the 'Treasury of Literature' - by saying: “They are called the Islamic (poets), and they are the ones who were at the beginning of Islam like Jarir and Al Farazdaq.”

He added that "it is correct to quote her words," that is, this class of poets.

In this regard also;

The role of that engineering planning of the cultural topics and interests of the sects of society, and the vision that it included regarding poetry and formulated by Al-Asma'i (d.216 AH / 831 CE), is not hidden by saying that “poetry is sour: it strengthens in evil and is easy, and if it enters into good, it is weak and weak”!

According to the narration of the modern Imam Ibn Abd al-Barr al-Qurtubi (d.

Here and in this atmosphere;

We read the poet al-Qurashi Umar ibn Abi Rabi’a al-Makhzumi (d. 93 AH / 711 CE), who is considered one of the most famous and close examples of the category of poets with a negatively stylized image. According to the historian Ibn Khallakan (d.681 AH / 1282 CE) - in 'the deaths of notables' - it is said that “it was Al-Hassan Al-Basri .. If the birth of Omar bin Abi Rabi’a is mentioned on the night in which Umar was killed, he says: What right was lifted and what false was it placed!

On the other hand, however, the biography books also provide us with what contributes to reconfiguring the impression of this spinning poet.

As we read in the History of Damascus by Al-Hafiz Ibn Asaker: “On the authority of Al-Sha'bi (d. 100 AH / 719 CE), he said: Abdullah bin Omar (d. 73 AH / 693 CE) said: Umar bin Abi Rabi’a conquered the world and the hereafter, he invaded the sea and his ship was burned and burned in it!” !

Al-Dhahabi (d. 748 AH / 1348 CE) - in the “History of Islam” - says that “It was narrated that Umar ibn Abi Rabi’a conquered the sea, so his ship was burned, and the flags were burned for us. Burning He says: "So the enemy burned his ship."

It is interesting that al-Dhahabi did not cite any other reason for his death !!

It seems that the participation of this poet Makhzoumi in the jihad - which was his good end - was a natural result of a transformation that occurred at some point in his life, which led him to refrain from borrowing poetry.

This is what Imam Ibn al-Qayyim (d. 751 AH / 1350 CE) tells us - in his book “The Garden of the Loved and the Nuzhat of the Lustful” - when he said that “Umar bin Abi Rabi’a .. left poetry and desired it, and vowed to himself every house that he says is guided by a camel (= a camel that slays the poor In Mecca) "!!


A remarkable appreciation


and the historical story illustrates for us how the flame of this style of poetic interest - which made Omar bin Abi Rabia subject to criticism - in literary inheritance was transferred to another poet, Abdullah bin Amr (d.120 AH / 738 CE) known as Al-Araji, which means that the impression it produced Those mental perceptions are biased.

The historian Al-Baladhari (d. 279 AH / 892 CE) - in the book “Ansab al-Ashraf” - says that “Omar bin Abi Rabi’a al-Makhzoumi was mourned - and his death was in the Levant - weeped about him from the generators of Mecca and it was for some of the children of Marwan To the tops of Mecca after him ?!

Al-Baladhari adds that “it was told to her: that a young man from the son of Othman bin Affan lived in Arj (= the name of a valley) Al-Taif is a poet who goes with his doctrine, so she said: Praise be to God who made him a successor. He was described by the fact that he was a "brave Mujahideen";

According to what is in the "Seer" of the gold.

And this historian tells us that Al-Araji “used to come to him from the boys of Quraysh and others, and he would prefer him and give them, and he conquered with Muslim Ibn Abd al-Malik (d. 120 AH / 739 CE) in the last caliphate of Saliman Ibn Abd al-Tijjar (99 AH / 19). The destitute (= the poor) something, so they gave it to it, and they gave it twenty thousand dinars (= today approximately 3.5 million dollars) !!

And in a step that includes a high appreciation of the work of this poet, made by an Umayyad caliph, who is usually described by scholars as "the fifth of the rightly guided caliphs";

Najd Al-Baladhari continues his narration on Al-Araji, saying: “When Umar bin Abdul-Aziz (d. 101 AH / 720 AD) succeeded, he said: The House of Money (= the State Treasury) is more important to these merchants than the money of Al-Araji, so he ruled that from the House of Money."

This was one of the inspiring stories, but the general circulation of poetry horses was sometimes more common across it than the likes of this from the poets ’news and their good deeds.

This context allows us to pay attention to the phenomenon of a current that participated socially either in the Fotouh or in revolutions since Nu`man bin Adi, as we have seen.

And passing through Al-Asha Al-Hamdhani Abi Al-Misbah Abd Al-Rahman bin Abdullah bin Al-Harith (d. 83 AH / 702 AD) on which Al-Dhahabi (d. 748 AH / 1348 AD) says about Al-Seer 84 AH. / 704 AD).


An unfair interpretation,


but the effect of this phenomenon on the public opinion was not strong in defining its owners, despite its prominent positives.

Instead of being an entrance to the understanding of the life and thought of these poetic personalities, the negative side had its competing role.

As we find Al-Dhahabi describing - in the History of Islam - the poet Al-Asha Al-Hamdhani as having "had virtue and worship, then he left that and accepted poetry."

But such a historical survey helps us to monitor a hidden aspect of the history of the course of ideas, and the reality of cultural and societal groups in the Islamic civilization.

It stops us on the need to differentiate between the lifestyle of those with religious knowledge and that which is perceived by poets and writers - far from its significance for whom we are referring to - which has been enshrined in the documentary movement of the translations of these poets, and with descriptions such as what we find in the poet Ibn al-Mu'taz (d. 296 AH / 909 CE) - in Layers of the Poets - translating to some of them: “And he prayed and left poetry for a while.”

If some of the evaluation provisions are difficult to release because they require accuracy and certainty;

The reality is that a state of uncertainty can be observed in societal interaction with some personalities who have been associated with poetry, such as Abdullah bin Muhammad, nicknamed al-Ahwas (d. 105 AH / 723 CE), and we have an example of this incident that Al-Zubayr bin Bakkar (d. 256 AH / 869 CE) in the book ' A group of Quraysh lineage and news'.

Its conclusion is that Al-Zubayr ibn Khubayb (d. After 170 AH / 787 CE) (spoke) on the authority of his father who said: We went with Muhammad bin Abbad (d. Around 124 AH / 743 CE) to Umrah. May God grant you success for me .. so Muhammad bin Abbad accepted him and said: By God, we did not envy us with you, and we do not like to go along with you .., and Muhammad was a serious man who hated the falsehood and his family .., and we were not able to respond to him .. So when we fell from the paralyzed ( = A mountain between Mecca and Medina) on the two tents of Umm Mu'bad (Atika bint Khalid al-Khuzaia d. After 23 AH / 645 CE). I heard al-Ahwas bothering them with something, and I understood it (= I tried to understand it) - and he had turned me and Muhammad behind two tents or a temple - so he was saying: “My tent is a mother Temple ”,“ Muhammad ”; as if he was preparing rhymes (= he wants to compose poetry), so I held my leg until Muhammad followed me, so I said: I heard this preparing rhymes for you,” meaning he wants to tell you poetry!

This story bears evidence that Al-Ahwas may have organized a prophetic praise on the occasion of his passing through the “tent or temple”, which was famous for hosting the Prophet and Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq (d. 13 AH / 635 AD) when they stopped there while they were on their way emigrating from Mecca to Medina Al-Munawara, and what is likely to be thought by Al-Ahwas in praise of a prophet’s poetry is his repetition of the words: “tent or temple” and “Muhammad” (perhaps he meant the Prophet ﷺ).

Despite this considerable possibility;

The preconceived impression may be the one that dictated to his listeners the type of their dealings with him, which almost led them to kill him before he completed his satire for them and spread among the people!

Double accountability


and over impression;

The diaries of the symbols of literary activity were the subject of attention from societies, as Abu al-Fath al-Abbasi (d. 963 AH / 1556 CE) - in the book 'Institutes of Textualisation' - narrates that “A man from (the tribe) Muzaynah said: I added (= his coming as a guest) a lot (Abu Sakher) Al-Khuzai the poet died in 105 AH / 723 AD) for a night and stayed with him, then we talked and fell asleep, then when dawn came, he bled, then I got up, performed ablution and prayed, and a lot slept in his lining. When the horn of the sun had risen, he blew and then said: O maid, let me (= heat) me water. "

There is no doubt that this slowdown in the performance of the religious duty contributes to charging against the poet many within a society that clings to the values, foremost of which are his religious rituals.

However, the quotation of martyrdom here does not end until it is almost fit to defend many by starting to be preoccupied with the matter of his prayers, and what the host knows is that he is excused for his sleep that his waking did not mix with him during it.

But within this context, it remains remarkable that this society in which such images were formed of the personalities of its poets, was giving loyalty and affection also to these characters to the greatest extent.

This is what Ibn Salam al-Jumahi (d. 232 AH / 846 CE) explains - in the book Tabaqat al-Shuara’s Phalanx - when he said: “Many and Ikramah (d. 107 AH / 726 CE), the freed slave of Ibn Abbas (d. 69 AH / 689 CE), met in one day, so Quraish met in a funeral. Many and Ikrimah was not found to carry it !!

And it was reported by Al-Nuwairi (d. 733 AH / 1333 AD) - in the book 'The End of the Arb' - that: “When many died, no woman or man left the city for his funeral !!”

In compassion to what we have seen that the lack of adherence to ritual performance - as required - was a reason for the poets to be held accountable;

We find it also interesting that discipline in religious practice also opened the door to accountability itself, even if it came with admiration!

Imam Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597 AH / 1200 CE) tells us - in his book “Al-Muntazim” - that “Dhul-Rumah (Ghaylan bin Uqba al-Tamimi d.117 AH / 736 CE) used to pray well, and it was said to him: How good your prayers are! He said: If the servant rises before me God has the truth to obey !!

And if the poet Dhu al-Rumah was amenable to his saying this, the sayings of those who were pious from the education imams

We find a continuous extension of this aspect of his personality to the moment of his death, although readers of his poetry only conceive of him in the self-preoccupation with literature from a conceptual perspective: comedy or tragedy (comedy and tragedy).

Among this is what was narrated by Al-Asma`i (d.216 AH / 831 AD) - according to Al-Suyuti’s narration (d. 911 AH / 1505) in “Sharh Wahidat Al-Mughni” - that Dhul-Ramah: “The last thing he spoke was:


O who brings the soul out of my soul if I am dying * * And then the anguish dispersed me from the fire! "


And it came in the 'History of Damascus' by Ibn Asakir, quoting from a brother who attended the moment of his death: “We were in the Bedouins, and Dhul Ramah came to death, so he said: Take me to the water and the people of Islam pray for me!”

Multiple dimensions and


within tourism in the spaces of translation books;

We find that some of the mechanisms for breaking the impression and the prevailing image of poets were to show aspects of their practical and functional preoccupations to poets within society.

Among this is what Al-Jahiz (d. 255 AH / 868 AD) tells - in “Al Bayan and Al-Tabiyyin” - on the authority of Al-Tarmah bin Hakim (d.125 AH / 743 AD). I do not attract men to listen to his speech from him, and I saw the boys leaving him as if they had seated the scholars! "

We also read in Ibn Qutaybah al-Dinuri - in 'Poetry and Poets' - a similar testimony from the poet Kumayt bin Zaid al-Asadi (d.126 AH / 744 CE).

In his novel that the sign of literature "Khalaf al-Ahmar (d. 180 AH / 796 AD) said: I saw a kumite (d. 126 AH / 744 AD) in Kufa in a mosque that teaches boys."

On a matter of general relevance to the missing features in the biographies of some poets;

Here it is better to refer to the career dimension related to appointing Abu Tammam as head of the Mosul Post Administration, so he stayed there for more than a year until he died and was buried in its cemeteries.

According to Al-Dhahabi and Ibn Khallikan.

Perhaps the appointment of Abi Tamam in this politically and security-sensitive position confirms the falsehood of what he was accused of of blasphemy, due to the earlier connection of the "Bureau of Postal Service" with state security institutions, and because of the secrets entrusted to him that are usually not allowed access to those in whom the elements of trust are not complete.

And within this choppy sea of ​​assessments;

The information reveals a part related to the poets ’concern with protecting their mental image in the minds of people, especially reference figures in society.

From what the modern imam Abu Bakr al-Bazzar (d. 292 AH / 905 CE) narrated - in his Musnad - that the poet Al-Ragaz Al-Ajaj bin Ru'aba (d. 90 AH / 710 AD) "asked Abu Huraira (d. 59 AH / 670 AD) - may God be pleased with him - and he said, O Abu Huraira, what do you say In this:


Salma's imagination and the imagination of secrecy ** The two imaginations roamed and flared up (...)


So Abu Huraira, may God be pleased with him, said: We used to seek this during the time of the Messenger of God, and he did not play with it "to whomever he seeks !!

The transfer of the question here about the extent of the presence of the religious consciousness among the poets to the monitoring of its representations and degrees of levels leads us to what Ibn Asakir told in his talk about the poet Qatami (d. About 130 AH / 747 CE), when he said: “He sent Yazid (bin Mu’awiyah) to Kaab bin Juwail (Al-Taghalabi). T around 55 AH / 676AD) and he said: “Spice up the followers!” So ​​he said that they have a hand in the Jahiliyyah. He commanded Qatami and said: I am a Muslim man who fears God and shy away from Muslims, but I am guiding you to those who do not fear God and are not ashamed of the people. He said: Who is he? He said ..: Al-Akhtal (Al-Taghalabi d. 92 AH / 710 AD).


A fragmentary picture,


and the issue of the absence of a part of the overall image of the poet remains one of the most prominent reasons for people's look at him.

The poet Abu Nawas al-Hasan bin Hani (d. 198 AH / 813 CE) reached the intensity of the mental image of him that was explained by Ibn al-Mu'taz (d.296 AH / 909 CE) - in the book 'Tabaqat al-Shuara' - from the fact that people "have accentuated (= accentuated) by attributing every poetry in Insane to Abu Nawas! "

Although it gives the

son of

many judges ,

saying the

judge Shafei historian Ibn Abi Nawas Khalkan in: "What more hope in

Him ,

where he says of

his Lord:


carry what you can from the

sins you ** for a

protective Lord is

Forgiving" !!


Then this imam adds that they found these verses on the bed of Abu Nawas upon his death:


O Lord, if my sins


became so

great ** I knew that your forgiveness is greater,

I call you my Lord as you commanded supplication ** If you turn my hand, who will have mercy?


If only a philanthropist is begging for you. Who would a criminal slave ask for? I don’t have a means for you other than hope.


I am a Muslim,


and his verses can be considered a prelude to the poetry of religious supplication that became one of the most prominent purposes of the Arabic poem throughout its history.

And wholesale;

The state of hesitation about the value ruling on Abu Nawas and his poetry is what Ibn Katheer summarizes - in 'The Beginning and the End' - when he said: “They mentioned to him many things, insane, and reprehensible poems..so some people corrupt him, and some of them throw him with heresy ..; as for heresy. Far from him, but there was a lot of indecency and immorality. "

Ibn Abi Al-Isbaa (d.654 AH / 1256 AD) presented to us - in his book “Tahrir al-Inking in the Making of Poetry and Prose” - an image that almost preserves Abu Nawas with two dissonant personalities.

He mentioned these two verses to him:


And if you sit at the madam and drink it ... then put all of your speech in the cup, and


if you are removed from temptation, let it be ... to God that inclination, not to people,


then he commented on them by saying: “Good

co-ordination is consistent

between two opposing arts in these two houses: they are insanity and asceticism until they become As if they were one art !!

Perhaps what strengthens the presence of martyrdom in the personality of Abu Nawas at the end of his life is what we find from him of narrations that students of knowledge carried and performed on his behalf after they became adult imams with whom people imitate in jurisprudence, hadith and literature.

Ibn Katheer says about him in his translation: “A group of them included Al-Shafi’i (d. 204 AH / 819 CE), Ahmad bin Hanbal (d. 241 AH / 855 CE), and Al-Jahiz.”

It is sufficient for us that Imam Ahmad bin Hanbal - who is the symbol of adherence to the Sunnah and rejecting its opponents - does not leave his memories in the councils of Abu Nawas and what he wrote about his poetry.

Ibn Katheer narrated a story on the authority of Imam al-Lughi Tha`lab (d. 291 AH / 904 CE) in which he says: “I entered upon Ahmad ibn Hanbal and saw a man who was concerned with him (= occupying him) himself, who did not like to be too much on him as if the fire had raged between his hands, so I am still kind to him and begged To him, I am from Shayban (= the tribe of Imam Ahmad) until he spoke to me, so he said: What did you look at from the sciences? So I said: In language and poetry, he said: I saw in Basra a group writing about a man of poetry, (so I asked about him so) I was told: This is Abu Nawas Then I interspersed the people behind me, and when I sat to him, he dictated to us:


If the eternity is empty one day, do not say: ** I am alone, but in the open we watch, and


do not think God neglects for an hour ** And no


sinner is

hidden from him, we will be absent

from the sins until the sins are followed ** sins on their traces Sins,


if only God would forgive what was past ** And he would allow us to repent, and we would repent !!


An


appreciated

consideration.

Indeed, the scholars in their narration on the authority of Abu Nawas exceeded the level of his poetic hopes to carry his repertoire from the narratives of the hadith itself, regardless of the degree of their evaluation of the validity of these narrations.

This Al-Hafiz Al-Baghdadi translates - in 'The History of Baghdad' - by the hadith Muhammad bin Ibrahim bin Katheer Al-Sayrafi (d. After 273 AH / 886 CE), saying that “there were two hadiths narrated from him on the authority of Abu Nawas the poet.” !!

Al-Khatib came with the texts of these two hadiths, one of them was to say: “Abu Nawas Al-Hassan bin Hani told us, he said: Hammad bin Salamah (d. 167 AH / 784 CE) told us, on the authority of Yazid al-Raqashi (d.119 AH / AD), on the authority of Anas bin Malik (d.93 AH / 713 A.D.), he said: The Messenger of God said: “None of you should die until he thinks well in God, for good thinking about God is the price of paradise” !!

And from the effect of Abu Nawas’s relationship with the request of the Prophet’s hadith - in his youth - what he introduced in Arabic poetry of the contents he borrowed from the curricula of the hadith scholars at the level of chain of transmission and body.

This is what we find evidences for in the books of Hafiz Hadith, such as Ibn Asakir and al-Suyuti, who celebrated the narrations of Abu Nawas al-Hadith that included their meanings in his poetry, and even published his interesting compilation in his idea and purpose, which is the book: 'Prosperity in what the poets made of hadiths and monuments.'

Al-Suyuti said that one of the benefits of his book is "its inference of the fame and validity of the hadith in the first chest, and this happened to a group of hadiths."

And the first example he came up with was Abu Nawas organizing the contents of the text of the noble Prophet’s hadith: “Hearts are soldiers who are


recruited


. It is different ** and what you know of it is combined

And one of the most prominent stations of cultural life was the emergence of that widespread condemnation under the umbrella of the charge of heresy, which swept the cultural scene with its literature, poets and publishers alike.

Here, Ibn Qutaybah tells us that "many of the people of pornography and immorality were called heretics, and among them the three who were in Kufa in Iraq are called the Hammadons."

Then he clarifies to us more the identity of these "Hamdis";

He says: “There were three in Kufa who were called the Hammads: Hammad Ajrad (d. 161 AH / 779 CE), Hammad al-Rawiyah (d. 155 AH / 773 CE), and Hammad ibn al-Zaburraq al-Nahawi (d. About 161 AH / 779 CE). Heresy. "

Ibn Katheer quotes Al-Jahiz to us: “The heretics are three: Ibn al-Muqaffa (d. 142 AH / 759 CE), Muti’a bin Iyas (d. 169 AH / 785 CE), and Yahya bin Ziyad (d.169 AH / 785 CE). They said: Al-Jahiz forgot himself, and he is the fourth of them, and he was with This is an eloquent, virtuous virtue. "

Accusations sent, and


whether this recommendation was against Al-Jahiz or Ibn Al-Muqaffa;

It is part of the side that did not appear in the picture that was imprinted on those who were included in these broad classifications, and we can continue its thread steadily in that era in which the campaign against the "heretics" intensified after the Abbasid Caliph Al-Mahdi (d.169 AH / 785 AD) raised the banner of fighting them with right and wrong.

Here is the famous poet Bashar bin Burd (d. 168 AH / 785 CE), about whom Al-Dhahabi said in “The Biographies of the Nobles of the Nobles”: “He was accused of heresy, and the Mahdi struck him seventy lashes in order to acknowledge (them) so he died!”

Then we read what indicates Bashar’s “piety” that makes us - if his story is true - in front of a religious dimension absent in the common features of his personality.

Ibn al-Mu'taz said in Tabaqat al-Shuaraa: “It was narrated that when the Mahdi killed Bashar, he regretted his killing and wanted to find something related to him. Batumar (= newspaper) sealed, so he thought that there was something in it, so he ordered it to be published. In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful, I wanted to attack the family of Suleiman bin Ali bin Abdullah bin al-Abbas (d.142 AH / 760 CE), so I mentioned their kinship with the Messenger of God ﷺ and his family, so he forbade me This is from their indiscretion and I donated their crime to God Almighty, and I have said two houses in which I did not mention an offer nor did I make a religion, and they are: the


Solomon family's dinar and their dirham ** As the Babylonians drawn by demons,


there are no and there is no

hope to meet them

** As I heard about Harout and Marut !! "!!

The endings are similar and the gleams of the qabas which radiate in defense of its companions from the poem-makers;

Here we pause with the Abbasid poet Saleh bin Abdul Quddus (d. 167 AH / 783 CE) in which we read the words of al-Khatib al-Baghdadi (d. 463 AH / 1072 CE) - in “The History of Baghdad” - that it is: “Abu al-Fadl al-Basri ... one of the poets, the Mahdi accused him (of heresy)." .

With that brief definition;

We read what this picture conveys in 'Tabaqat al-Shuara' by Ibn al-Mu'taz: “A people of the people of literature gathered in a gathering, including Saleh bin Abdul Quddus, calling the poems until the prayer came, so the people stood up to that, and Salih stood up, performed ablution and did better, and then prayed the most complete and best prayer.”

The narrator continues the story by saying that some of them said to him: “Do you pray this prayer, and your doctrine is what you remember?” So he said: It is only the drawing of the country and the habit of the body!

Although this last statement may rise in exchange for his ritual performance;

It may not rise to the same degree in front of keenness to master it.

This is in addition to the fact that the details of the stabbing accusation represented in heresy seem to include some connotations and manifestations of literary comfort not from the nodal side, similar to what the two verses mentioned by Abu Mansur al-Tha'alabi (d.429 AH / 1039 CE) in the book 'The Fruits of the Heart in the Additive and the Inscribed' :


Shout out, announcing that some people say: ** Among the writers is a


gentle

heretic

, for denouncing it remained a brand ** and it was not said that it is funny or light!

Defensive pleadings, and it is


not too late to note - in this context - that one of the most powerful things left by the experience of the symbols of literature and poetry is those important explanatory pleadings to dispel the common mental images about them.

In the forefront of which is what was mentioned by Imam Al-Hafiz Ibn Asaker, who says:

Adam bin Abd al-Aziz (d. Around 170 AH / 786 CE) ... in the days of his youth used to drink alcohol, and excess in indecency and indecency, and he says poetry. So he was raised to (Caliph) al-Mahdi that he was a heretic, and he sang poetry of him that he had said in the days of modernity on the path of Majnu, So he took him and hit him with three hundred lashes, deciding him with heresy, so he said: By God, I never admit myself unlawfully, even if I cut off a member of a member. By God, I have never


partnered with

God with the twinkling of an eye. So al-Mahdi said: Where are you saying ?: He

watered me and gave my friend ** during the long night,


pure red coffee ** Speight from Bell River


Say to

those who Alhak where ** of the

jurist or Nabil


you let her and outside the

other ** nectar nectar


said: O Commander of the

faithful, you boys Quraish drink wine, Otmjn with young people, and I think with that faith in

God and unite, not Taakhzna including I accepted what I said, he said: So he was released. "

Within the batches that represented the culmination of Arabic poetic activity, we read the name of Abu Tammam (d.231 AH / 845 CE), which constitutes a major teacher in the field of the poem.

With Abu Tammam, the question is also renewed: Was the closeness embodied in life within the community blinded to the point where it was difficult to judge the characters, even if out of time it was possible to collect the differentials of the image to try to read the correct compositional and accurate deduction of its parts?

In this context;

The historian of literature Abu Bakr al-Sowali (d. 335 AH / 946 CE) - in his book 'Akhbar Abi Tamam' - tells us that this creative poet "claimed a people against him for infidelity, but achieved it."

But he quickly rejects this accusation by saying: "How can disbelief be true among these people on a man whose hair is all that he testifies against what they accused him of, until they curse him in the councils?"

Then al-Suwali - which al-Dhahabi described in al-Sira 'as being "acceptable to say is good belief" - states with complete confidence that accusing Abu Tamam of infidelity is something "contrary to what God Almighty and His Messenger, peace be upon him, has commanded, and contrary to what is upon him as a whole of Muslims, because people are on the authority of Islam. On the face of them, until they bring what necessitates disbelief on them by action or saying, and he sees that or hears from them or does it as evidence for them. "

And he concludes by saying that those who accused Abu Tamam of blasphemy did not come with evidence of their accusation, "so they were like those who were delirious with the people, and he took what they challenged the desires (= prizes) from the scholars of kings and the heads of the book, who are the most knowledgeable of people in the words spread out and their systemic." What he is rewarded for by his poetry is what necessitates his expiation.

A supportive celebration and


in a calendar that applauds - at least - the personal attribute of Abu Tammam;

Najd al-Dhahabi says - in the 'biography' - that he "was described with good manners."

The integrity of his belief is also reinforced by his eloquent condolences to the Abbasid Emir, who was deeply saddened by the death of one of his brothers.

And its text was as in 'Death of notables' by Ibn Khallakan: “O Prince, seek the reward of God with good reward and surrender to the Cause of God, and remember your misfortune in yourself and make you forget your misfortune in others; and peace !!”

And if some of the great hadith scholars seemed to celebrate - even on the level of recording - the hadiths of the Prophet that Abu Nawas narrated in his youth about his sheikhs among the imams of hadith, until they built on them a kind of classifications, they introduced it as Al-Suyuti did;

Abi Tammam's share of that was not overlooked.

Therefore, when Al-Khatib Al-Baghdadi translated - in the history of Baghdad ”- to his sheikh Al-Qadi Abi Ala Al-Wasiti (d. 431 AH / 1031 AD), he narrated from him the hadith of the Prophet,“ There is wisdom from poetry, ”with a funny type of chain of narrators, all of whose narrators belong to the category of poets.

Abu Tammam was among those poets.

This type of narration has become an independent branch of the types of isnads known as “the serial hadith of the poets.” Shams al-Din Ibn Aqeelah al-Hanafi al-Makki (d. 1150 AH / 1737 CE) singled it out for him by a pope who included examples of it in his book 'The Sublime Benefits in the Ibn Aqeelah Series'.

This is similar to other styles, including "serial hadith of the jurists" and "serial hadith with grammarians."

The most prominent Arabic poet, Abu al-Tayyib al-Mutanabi (d. 354 AH / 965 CE), was not immune to this problem, but his stirrups were very muddy, as the sources indicate that he was called al-Mutanabi "because he claimed prophethood."

According to Ibn Khalkan.

But we also find in the same book: “It was said that he said I am the first who prophesied poetry.” That is why he was called Al-Mutanabbi.

It is striking that we do not find agreement between scholars - ancient and modern - on the content of an accusation of this magnitude that the general name of this poet was associated with in the days of his life.

Bilateral guidance and by


entering the worlds of Al-Mutanabi to grab a thread, we see that the commentator of his office, Ali bin Ahmed Al-Nisaburi Al-Wahidi (d. 468 AH / 1075 AD) commented on some of what is taken on Al-Mutanabi in expressions, by saying one of his verses: “This is a cold praise that indicates the tenderness of religion and the absurdity of the mind. , And it is one of the poetry of boyhood, as Al-Mutanabi said this poem during his youth!

We notice that Al-Wahidi excuses him of this accusation in his poetry, which he said after the boyhood stage.

And it seems that Al-Wahidi was not satisfied with absolving Al-Mutanabbi of "the tenderness of religion" until he saw that he had some kind of participation in jihad.

He quoted - in his commentary to his divan - the linguistic Imam Ibn Jinni (d. 392 AH / 1003 CE)


had quoted the

saying of Al-Mutanabi:

In which country did my offspring did not?

** And where did my knees tread?


Ibn Jinni said: “That is, I did not leave a place of land until I wandered in it, either flirtatiously or as an invader !!”

The word "invasion" in Islamic times was often used to fight non-Muslim enemies.

Perhaps Ibn Jinni considered to his friend al-Mutanabi his remarkable poetic presence in the invasions of Emir Saif al-Dawla al-Hamdani (d. 356 AH / AD) and other princes of the Levant, who were fighting the Roman Byzantine raids on Muslim countries.

Also, on the level of questions related to this aspect and the preferences related to them, we read in Abu Al-Ala Al-Maari (d. 449 AH / 1058 AD) - in the 'Letter of Forgiveness' - in defense of Al-Mutanabbi, despite the blasphemy accusations raised in his face by the other:

He says: “It was narrated that Abu al-Tayyib ... was seen praying in a place in Maarat al-Nu`man, called the Church of the Bedouins, and that he prayed two rak'ahs at the time of the afternoon, so it is permissible to have seen that he is on a journey and that palace for him is permissible.

If the poetic content sparked criticism;

The son Khalkan notes sample the

fall of the

type of

content that beats including intercede for Æ and defend him in this section, and is represented in these two verses:


and into lacking you saw me ** Vahjrtne and I got me tendril


I'm not to

blame I am to

blame because I ** revealed my needs without the

Creator


came In 'Al-Bidaya wa al-Nihayah' by Ibn Katheer: “Al-Qadi ibn Khallakan said: These two statements are not in his court, and the Hafiz al-Kindi attributed them (Taj al-Din Zayd ibn al-Hasan al-Kindi on page 1216).

Andalusian view and


in the Islamic West, where the spaces of Andalusia, which have reserved in the geography of literature and culture, a high place that cannot be reached by centuries old.

Sometimes we find a tendency to fuse the contradiction and to guarantee a more clear picture.

Some epochs and episodes sometimes served by integrating parts of the image, which negates blurring and enables combination.

Among this is what was mentioned in the hadith of Yaqut al-Hamwi (d. 626 AH / 1229 CE) in “The Literary Dictionary” on the authority of the Andalusian writer and poet Ibn Abd Rabbo (d.328 AH / 940 CE) classified as “The Unique Contract”;

He said that he “gave up - at the end of his life - from his youth and was sincere to God in his repentance, so he considered (= followed) his poems that he said in amusement, and worked on their faces (= their weights) and their rhymes in asceticism and called them the refiners."

But we notice - at the same time - the country of Andalusia is also not spared from the phenomenon of hesitation between appealing and recommending such personalities.

As we meet the brilliant writer Waleed Bint Al-Mustakfi Al-Qurtubiyah (d. 484 AH / 1091AD), who is described as “famous for its maintenance and chastity”;

According to Ibn Shakir al-Ketbi (d.764 AH / 1363 CE).

In exchange for that endorsement;

We find a wound reserved for her with Imam Ibn Bashkawal (d. 578 AH / 1182 CE), who described her - in his book 'Al-Silah' - as “she had no preservation that matched her honor.”

This deepens the case of the two opposing assessments, which seem to have remained steady in the translations of poets, both in the East and in the West.

Ibn Bassam Al-Shantrini Al-Andalusi (d.542 AH / 1147 CE) - in his book “Al-Thakhira” - explains the depth of controversy and contradiction in judgment and not neglecting the bright aspects by acclamation.

The translator of the writer Ali bin Hasan Al-Ishbili (d. About 461 AH / 1070 AD) said: “I am more than astonished by a people of our horizons (= our country) who did not know him and did not do justice to him. And his drunkenness, and no things! His virtue is more famous, and his kindness is more.

Al-Shantrini then cites from Ibn Hosn’s poetry, evidence of his regard for religious values ​​and their being the basis for the supremacy of the praised personalities.

And from that, his saying praises the Prince of Andalusia princes Al-Mu'tadid bin Abbad (d.461 AH / 1070 CE), describing him as a combination of established “piety” and brute force: the pious is very pious


, humility walks through humility ** and every khnbaj is vibrating for him.

Al-Shentrini compared the meaning that Ibn Husn intended here with the saying of Aisha (d. 58 AH / 679 CE) - may God be pleased with her - on the authority of Umar al-Faruq when she said about one of them that he used to mix his worship with tenacity: “Umar and God were to ascend (= more worship) than him, but it was if He walked faster, and if he spoke I would hear, and if God was struck by God he would be more painful !!

Corrective insights and


in this midst;

Some visions aimed at controlling the leash of commenting and making judgments emerged in the midst of a general discussion of the poets ’translations, even if those visions differed in their presentation.

At a time when some of them have taken a purely literary critical direction, such as Al-Suwali’s article in his book “Abi Tammam’s News”: “I did not think that infidelity reduces poetry nor that faith increases it.”

There was another proposition whose technical norms called for the enactment of controls and standards.

And from that was what al-Khatib al-Baghdadi explained - in “Sufficiency in the Science of the Novel” - when he said: “Chapter on the hatred of the novel about the people of indecency and pornography.” And between the two positions stands a third opinion that is reflected in what Yaqut al-Hamwi referred to - in the “Dictionary of the Writers” - when he said: And I say, as Abu Mansur (Al-Tha'alabi) said: If it were not for Ibrahim bin Al-Mahdi (d.224 AH / 839 CE) to say that literature is serious and its jokes are joking, I would have preserved my book on such an indecency.

And we touch such a consideration in the hadith of Imam Ibn Katheer on the authority of al-Ma'ari: “Among the people there are those who apologize for him and say that he used to say that in disgrace and play, and he would say with his tongue what is not in his heart, and he was a Muslim.

And light the lamps of this view;

Al-Tha'alabi - in the "orphan of the age" - browsed through the poems and news of some poets, completing the definitions of this proposition by saying: "But Islam has its right to a reverence that does not justify violating it in words, deeds, systems and prose."

And upon the hadith of Tha'alabi on the authority of the poet Abi Al-Hassan Ibn Sukarah Al-Hashemi Al-Baghdadi (d. 385 AH / 995 AD), he said: “Ibn Sukarah Al-Hashemi… is going in the field of insanity and absurdity what he wanted,” despite a funny story he gave about him stating that he did not miss the morning prayer!

However, the mechanism of the “revolving door” between defamation and praise came to our conclusion what Majd al-Din al-Fayrouzabadi (d.817 AH / 1415 CE) said about him in “Al-Qamoos Al Muheet”: “Ibn Sukra Muhammad bin Abdullah, the well-known ascetic poet, Hashemi.”

Which, then, is Ibn Soukra?

That is the question whose philosophy is the framework for the idea of ​​this treatment that we presented here .. and it seems that the door to answering it will remain revolving !!