Thousands of Jordanians demonstrate hundreds of meters from the Israeli embassy in the capital, Amman, in protest against the Israeli attacks on the Gaza Strip. (Anatolia)

There are many pens that represent an agreement between contradictory people about satirizing the Arabs and Muslims, the Arab and Islamic peoples, or the Arab and Islamic nation, and their miserable fall in the face of the Gaza test. They emerged from the exam defeated, weak, helpless, neglectful, and insignificant rubbish. Rather, they betrayed their religion and national and national principles, and denied their morals and higher values.

Some of these writers describe them as permanent decline, permanent decline, backwardness and ignorance. All of this is considered to be in the genes, or in the Arab and Islamic mentality inherited from ancient times. These are, in general, extreme Westernized modernists.

And some of those who participated in the satire, but on the basis that they betrayed their Islam, their Arabism, and the historical traditions of their nation that once created glory, civilization, and global professorship.

Death sentence

The question is what sparked all this satire. And he ascended to Al-Aqsa? For some, the answer is their anger at the resistance, and its boldness, defiance, equality, and military achievements. Hence, it is intended to marginalize it, and to prepare the intellectual condition for its defeat. There is nothing better than satirizing the Arab nation as a whole, or the Islamic nation. Because the resistance in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen is Arab, Islamic and national.

If we drowned the nation, and sentenced it to death, based on its genes, history, mind, and morals, all of that would apply to the resistance, because it is part of the Arab and Islamic peoples. The goal of some is ancient, dating back to the days of promoting modernization, globalization, and dependence on Western civilization.

As for the second group, the anger stems from their jealousy over the resistance, which did not find support and support, as it should, from Arabs and Muslims. To protect her and secure her victory. Which would expose her now to standing between victory and defeat. The fate of the resistance is victory, perhaps with an apparent or hidden tendency toward defeat. This is a miscalculation, but it is widespread.

Here the second question arises: What are the reasons for what was said about all these decadent and sick traits, implanted in the Arab and Muslim mind, our societies and our mentalities through heredity and genes? This contradicts standing in the line of resistance. Because those who adopt topics that look at the people, the nation, and our societies with these characteristics must explain how the resistance emerged as leadership, cadres, and resistors from these peoples, nation, and societies? How can we hope for change and renaissance if we do not have arable land?

The weakest explanations offered by Al-Ghayari are those that focus on the Arab and Islamic “mind,” or on the “false awareness” that continued to submit, subjugate, and defeat, and abandoned the spirit of resistance, revolution, and advancement. This interpretation does not look for reasons in the balance of power, in reality, and in the infrastructure that was imposed on Arabs and Muslims after their countries were occupied in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Western colonialism imposed its control by drowning the resistors and defenders confronting it with blood, or even drowning the entire people in blood. Hence, extremely cruel colonial regimes imposed killing, torture, and abuse in the face of every armed resistance, uprising, revolution, or even demonstration.

Which led to peaceful opposition, or appeasement and silence, but not to implanting submissiveness, servility, and permanent surrender. Evidenced by the armed revolutions and uprisings that all Arab and Islamic countries witnessed in intermittent stages, they exceeded what other nations did.

There is a resistant ideological stock that carries the highest national, national and Islamic values, which are passed down to our Arab and Islamic generations, generation after generation. I have preserved much of the Prophet’s biography, which is rich in struggle and change. I was imbued with the Qur’an, the wars and battles that had passed, and the biographies of scholars, popular leaders, and rulers who sought justice. Rather, the scholar, preacher, or politician would rise up if he was upright and distanced himself from the authority, and he would be restrained and isolated in popular memory if his reputation was spoiled, or he would appear at the doorstep of the ruler.

Even in our daily life, the position of public opinion regarding a politician, scientist, or intellectual is determined based on his behavior, whether positive or negative. Then add the events, revolutions, and resistance that have been enshrined in our history, and the consecration of higher values ​​and morals, and all of this has been stored in the collective, inherited mind.

Of course, this does not mean denying what our history has known of tyranny, deviant or fearful groups and elites, or unjust or negligent rulers. Or general latency stages. But it does not represent the general image that the aforementioned satires paint, which erase all positivity, and do not see change except by bringing the masses and the nation into schools to learn the required awareness, and imbibe the culture of revolution, protest, and resistance. Hence, it is not noticed that this learning requires good land that grows what is planted in it.

As for the cases in which the masses blindly and submissively follow the leader or ruler, regardless of his behavior, or even if his behavior is condemned, they are in sectarian cases, or based on fanaticism of any kind.

Fortified peoples

But these cases should not be generalized to the Arab and Islamic peoples, who must be read according to their reality, their history, and their collective moral stock. The evidence is the response of the masses of Arabs and Muslims, for example, to every resistance or revolution against colonialism. It also pays homage to the sincere, honest, and untainted people.

The source of these attitudes, even for individuals, comes from the collective mind and Arab popular behavior. This also explains why the culture of the West, Orientalism, and the monopoly of knowledge were unable to penetrate our peoples and their broad masses, except for the elites of modernity, and some traditional elites who were fascinated by the West, its culture, and its civilization, and whose awareness Western universities were able to cauterize.

Therefore, a broad, in-depth examination of the positions of the masses or public opinion, with regard to the resistance and the blood of civilians who were subjected to mass killing in the Gaza Strip, will produce amazing results on the one hand: influence, sympathy and support for the resistance, its leadership and the people in the Gaza Strip, as well as with regard to anger against America and the West. Focusing on the crimes of the Zionist entity, and even on the crime of its existence where it came from.

This is what must be read when evaluating the positions of the Arab and Islamic peoples, or the Arab and Islamic nation, without considering the priority in evaluation to be measured by the extent of the masses taking to the streets or revolting against every government and every president if he fails or is lax in supporting the resistance. He did not apply enough pressure to stop the aggression.

The failure to take to the streets, or the failure to translate the feelings and awareness of the masses into material action, must be explained by searching for compelling reasons, and not moving to satire and issuing harsh judgments on the masses and the nation. There are reasons related to Arab fragmentation and the Qatari state. Reasons related to the severity of repression, for years and decades. And reasons related to the conditions that allow the masses to take to the streets and revolt. Perhaps there are reasons related to the failure of Egypt's popular revolution of 2011.

Oppressive forces

Indeed, how does this explain the contradiction between awareness, attitude, and feelings on the one hand, and the failure to take to the streets, or the apparent calmness and lack of strong action? Some hold the popular position to the practice of some sectors of people participating in concerts or entertainment.

Of course, there is no people or nation that does not have, and within it, sectors that are not interested in politics and rush to entertainment or indifferent behavior. These sectors do not influence popular revolutions or major change. Therefore, it should not be used to present a distorted or partial picture of the situation of the masses and its evaluation, or explain why there is no popular revolution there.

What is happening in the Gaza Strip - whether in terms of the resistance and its achievements, or in terms of the scenes of killing, body parts, and horrific injuries to the torn bodies, especially of children. The number of martyrs and wounded has reached more than one hundred thousand, and the destruction has included approximately 80% of buildings and homes. What tears hearts and thickens consciences - calls for the Arab and Islamic peoples to revolt. She is the one who lives her days and emotions in a state of anger and revolution. But while the street remains calm, except for some exceptional cases (countries) such as Jordan and Morocco, especially the great Yemen with the position of the people, leadership and armed forces.

The descent of the masses to the point of imposing their will and overthrowing governments, as happened in Tunisia and Egypt, for example, in 2011, or Jordan in 1956 (dropping entry into the Baghdad Pact), and other examples in the eras of colonialism, the period of Arab liberation, or the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the first motive was local. Directly, and secondly, the regime, or the government, was in a state of erosion and confusion, allowing the masses to prevail in the field of confrontation over the security forces or the army, after shedding blood and breaking the will of oppression.

But if the masses feel that the forces of repression are cohesive and the political leadership of the state is not in contradiction with each other, and they are still young and have not grown old, and then taking to the streets leads to the inability to break the will of the forces of repression, or shake the resolve of the leadership of the authority, then the masses may try and then retreat to avoid... A failed battle. This is not what the people and elites in the West face, for example when they take to the streets. Even if faced with borderline repression.

There is an important difference for the morale of the resistance between a positive and fair assessment of the situation of the masses, and a positive measurement of their awareness and courage, and what has been indicated as satire and a death sentence for the nation’s position in its entirety, if it does not take to the streets and declare a mighty revolution.

Religious and cultural stock

The question is: Why is the situation in most Arab countries characterized by the highest levels of repression, the strongest and most cruel repression devices, and the most technological development? And all of this is not because the Arab and Islamic peoples are submissive and submissive, or because their minds (the collective in particular) are subdued and rigid, or because their will is dull and cowardly, or because they need to be given lessons in resistance and opposition. On the contrary, and because of this opposite, oppression has risen and reached the highest levels. levels, in many countries. If it had been, as the satire recounts, it would not have needed repression.

In short, no resistance, revolution, or uprising can succeed without an incubating structure and a religious, cultural, and heritage reserve. This is his place in the people and the nation.

And another piece of evidence: How do we explain the widespread Egyptian, Arab and Islamic influence, for example when Gamal Abdel Nasser launched his sermon to nationalize the Suez Canal, or against Britain, or the Zionist entity and America, or against subservience and dependency? The answer lies in the response of the speeches to the Arab and Islamic popular stock. And not the opposite, or let's say the two things meet.

How do we explain the rise of pictures of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah after the 2006 war, on the walls of the majority of Arab homes from the ocean to the Gulf? Was it a response to the love for the resistance in the hearts and minds, or did someone come to re-educate it so that it could do what it did?

Finally, how did Abu Ubaida become a hypostasis in the Arab and Islamic worlds? Was it not an immediate response to what the “Al-Aqsa Flood” did on the part of the popular stock in the nation?

This sums up the entire position in understanding or comprehending the position of the Arab and Islamic peoples...the position of the nation.

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of Al Jazeera.