The sad spectacle that we are witnessing in the PP could have been saved by Casado presenting his resignation before they fire him.

Entrenching himself without support, without the backing of those he appointed, betrays a pathetic

obstinacy that further damages the still leader of the PP

and keeps open the wound through which the alternative to sanchismo is bleeding electorally.

The cascade of resignations and pronouncements against the current national leadership took place relentlessly over the

beginning of the day this Tuesday, in a unanimous clamor that only

it can be interpreted as a successful motion of censure against the president and the general secretary

.

If their legitimacy of origin in a congress of militants was unquestionable, today both had overwhelmingly lost the legitimacy of exercise by which an organization recognizes its leader's authority.

The sooner a manager takes control to convene an extraordinary congress and renew the entire structure of the PP, the less irreversible the damage will be.

Spain cannot remain longer without serious opposition

.

In the government control session today, the dismantling of a bench that should be monitoring the latest decisions of Moncloa instead of signing declarations of being fed up and ventilating the internal chaos will be evident.

Deputies, organic positions and practically all of the barons who today will claim Núñez Feijóo as Casado's successor exemplify the accelerated collapse of a much more fragile structure than could be imagined.

This is what happens when command is exercised without intelligence or power of conviction.

Casado will be remembered in the annals for his magnificent oratory, but also for his political immaturity.

It did not manage to materialize a solid, recognizable leadership in time, and the continuous lurches that have marked its performance over the last four years attest to an evident lack of personality and constant doubts in its programmatic and strategic direction.

Too attentive to the judgment of others rather than to his own criteria, aware of having reached the leadership of a party divided between supporters of Sáenz de Santamaría and Cospedal,

Casado gave in to the temptation of abandoning himself to a strong man so that he could subdue the party on his behalf.

without paying attention to procedures: to laminate any hint of discrepancy.

Teodoro García Egea put all his energy into that task, to the point that the PP seemed more absorbed in the conquest of each plot of power of the PP than in the conquest of La Moncloa.

Along the way, with his despotic ways he was raising blisters in as many baronies as he approached, trying to place his pawns at the cost of going over the local, provincial, regional criteria.

The shameful -criminal- espionage ordered against Ayuso and his family and personal environment has been the last straw

of internal indignation: without this latent malaise, the withering reaction that will conclude, after the dismissal of Egea, with Casado's forced goodbye to the leadership of a PP that never knew how to govern, is not understood.

His farewell has not been honorable, but time will take care of removing from malevolence the reasons that can only be attributed to weakness.

The task now facing a tattered party is daunting.

There is not a minute to lose in uniting every party asset around Feijóo to facilitate a swift and orderly transition.

A real refoundation is urgently needed

to elect the best available team, clarify the principles, update the program, decide on the strategy - with respect to Sánchez as much as with respect to Vox - and coordinate efforts towards a single shared objective: the construction and fine-tuning of an alternative government to the radical coalition of PSOE and Podemos.

One that reaches the next generals with real possibilities of disputing the victory against Sánchez

and avoid the reissue of the Frankenstein majority, which neither the Spanish economy nor the system of 1978 would resist.

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