Complete chaos and chaos. Such words can be used to describe the start of the election campaign in France. And no, this is not about the omicron or the raging pandemic, which, of course, will also make its own adjustments both in the format and in the number of meetings organized. All for a long time and with bated breath were waiting for the meeting of Eric Zemmur with the people scheduled for early December in Paris. Logic dictated that the matter would not be limited to the next "presentation of the book." Nevertheless, the meeting in the Great Concert Hall presupposed a certain scale of the event. Indeed, right before that, he declares himself a candidate for the presidency of France. And he does not hesitate to try on the costume of Charles de Gaulle.
The very appeal to the French is made in a mixed style of modernity and traditions of the past. Zemmur reads the text from a piece of paper in the same way as de Gaulle did in his radio address to the French occupied by the Germans, and raised popular resistance. Instead of radio, Zemmur has video, YouTube, which, long ago turned into an instrument of political technologies, of course, immediately began to fix a bunch of obstacles so that the video would not fly apart at cosmic speed. Introduced an age restriction, the need to verify the identity for viewing. But the journalist is already used to such petty dirty tricks. Despite all the obstacles, the glove is thrown to Macron.
The meeting from Paris was moved to Saint-Denis. Either a challenge or a provocation? No, rather a performance in the style of Zemmur. We are at home - that was his message when he conceived a meeting with voters in a department predominantly populated by migrants. He spoke more than once about what to do with them. Illegal - to throw out. Do not give citizenship by place of birth. Visitors to be obliged to give French names to children - this is the kind of early assimilation. Not everyone will like that. The head of the department tried with all his might to forbid the meeting - in vain. So it took place in the best traditions of the extreme right. They beat everyone and everything. Even Zemmur got it. He could, eclipsed, blew up the media field.
The show started outside. The police caught up with an incredible number. The antifa and the violent extreme left came, and they began to disperse them. Dense groups of guards in armor and helmets with a battle cry jumped off and rushed after someone, people scattered, crushed, trampled each other, then cried at the cameras. It was funny when the whole press covered the bloody girl, she told them how peaceful she was, how all for democracy, and she was beaten here. Then the doctors jumped up to her, wanted to wipe her bruised forehead, but she pushed them aside with the words: "Wait, don't touch, another TV channel is waiting for me there." Hype is our everything. It's a pity for her head, but sickening from showing off.
Inside, they beat me on the head, not with truncheons, but with chairs. Members of the anti-racist movement dared to get there, who call Zemmur not only a racist, but also an anti-Semite and Islamophobe. Indeed, several times he was still tried for inciting ethnic hatred. In general, the daredevils flew in, the brawl was separated by the police inside. There were also groups of well-built young skinheads. My colleagues decided to take it off. They also flew in: some security guards appeared who decided that the purpose of the shooting was to blacken the candidate's image, began to push and behave rudely. The operator was not taken aback, pushed them back with all his might. After that, the reporter decided that they, too, would now be kicked out. But nothing happened.
But the French colleagues were seen off by the whole hall with a shout, whistle and hooting.
It was the crew of Le Quotidien, a satirical program for the local TF1 Channel One.
The whole world despises Le Quotidien, the audience chanted, the journalist's timid remarks that they are accredited, that they have the right ... they drowned in the friendly chorus of Zemmur's supporters, and they were thrown out into the street out of harm's way.
The candidate himself was also unable to squeeze through the crowd without incident.
At first, his guards slipped a man who jumped on his head - he could have strangled or maimed.
Then it turned out that Zemmur's wrist was dislocated, and moreover, so that in the next nine days he would not be able to work.
And this (knocking a person out of action for more than eight days) is punishable by three years in prison and a fine of € 45 thousand. The offenders were detained.
Zemmur eventually reached the stage, got up and blew up the hall. He announced a reconquista, was going to win back good old France from the current system, promised from three boxes that he would withdraw the country from the joint NATO command, that he would be friends with Russia, that the sanctions would be lifted. An incredible amount of derogatory words were addressed to Macron, and he went out of his way as best he could. He called it empty space, knowing that the president is surprisingly sensitive to such attacks. In general, Zemmur led the rally, looked confident, spoke clearly, paused where necessary, kept the attention of the crowd, which every now and then broke into enthusiastic applause.
All this, of course, cannot be compared with the first rallies of Macron. But in fairness, it should be noted that the current president quickly learned everything, although at first he looked pale. But today Le Pen looks rather pale against this background. She simply disappeared, they forgot about her, her surname sounded only in the context of her father, and then he was compared to Zemmur. Another nasty blow for her is the approval of Valerie Pécresse as the single Republican candidate. After all, this is also a woman, also blonde, the haircut is almost the same, the age is also, she is also right, she is also bright and ambitious, only, unlike Le Pen, she is perceived in society. No one will reproach a neighbor if he votes for Pecresse. And many are ashamed of Le Pen, they hide it. Hence the ratings - in the first round, the ladies have the same percentage.But if one of them has to compete with Macron in the second, then here Pecresse has an undeniable advantage. For Le Pen - about 25%, for Pecresse - 48%.
She began her political career under Chirac, under Sarkozy she was engaged in ministerial affairs, then she headed the Ile-de-France and was re-elected in June this year for a second term. She is called the lady of the case. She herself feels herself to be two-thirds Angela Merkel and one-third Margaret Thatcher. And if Macron took voters with his youth five years ago, then she can take with her novelty. Pecresse is the first-ever female Republican nominee. A kind of fresh blood in the political horizon. It is her that Macron should be afraid of most of all, since her views can seduce, including part of his electorate.
As for the president himself, he still pretends that elections do not exist. Like, he diligently continues to work in the name and for the good of the country, while the rest are scurrying around in the electoral sandbox. In fact, he is making every effort to achieve at least some real results after a series of failures, including in the international arena. On Thursday, he gave a speech on how France will lead the European Union into a brighter future over the next six months.
The other day I was in the Emirates, where I signed a record contract for the supply of 80 Rafale fighters.
That was immediately used as an argument by the press secretary of the government, Gabriel Attal.
Like, after all, look what the president is like: he does not gossip, but sells Rafale, buries Josephine Baker in the pantheon, while some are imitating de Gaulle.
It will be difficult for Zemmur, many mainstream channels are now up in arms against him, several influential people have left him, they refused to invest money, and the rating has dropped by several percent.
But, on the other hand, the race is just beginning, and with such a stormy start it promises to be very interesting.
The point of view of the author may not coincide with the position of the editorial board.