How will the Nile waste from Egypt engineering the law and the arsenal of legislation?

The catastrophe awaiting the Nile River after the Ethiopian Renaissance Dam became a fait accompli revealed the dire and disastrous consequences of tyranny, which Westerners have long praised for its ability to bring stability, with its exaggerated daring to repress, only brought suffering, poverty and the threat of extermination and death.

The goal of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the leader of the summer 2013 coup, was not only to close the loopholes through which revolutions or mass upheavals - organized or random - could return after he had failed and torn them apart.

But he established an arbitrary dictatorship with very stable and deep foundations based on a solid military structure that completely dominates all situations in a way that contrasts in general with the soft authoritarianism in the Mubarak era.

This arsenal of laws, with its "infested and flawed", was passed by Parliament - which was engineered to guard the sovereign agencies as a declared goal to support the Sisi state, not to review, monitor or question it - "in one session!"

With support, supply, regional planning and Western sponsorship, zero external problems, with ineffective exceptions.

What I can say is that had it not been for the problem of the Renaissance Dam, the Sisi regime would not have suffered from a real existential crisis, and perhaps his endeavor to establish an extended family military rule similar to the ancient Pharaonic families would have succeeded.

Among the important paths in which the pharaoh secured his authoritarian rule and through which he imposed the sanctity of his will on the side of legislation, before the former army commander voluntarily dragged the Constitutional Court out of its clothes and implicated it in the events of July 3, the military employed it in their struggle with the revolution, to rule the 2012 parliament invalid. The two years that Sisi and his predecessor, President Adly Mansour, spent without a parliament were enough to promulgate and pass hundreds of laws, which amounted to 433 laws as of November 20, 2015.

This arsenal of laws, with its "infested and flawed", was passed by Parliament - which was engineered to guard sovereign agencies as a declared goal to support the Sisi state, not to review, monitor or question it - "in one session!".

It is clear that these laws were not aimed at restoring the rules of the authoritarian regime as much as they were paving the ground for the manufacture of the pharaoh in the ugly image that it later appeared to be, and laying the foundation for a permanently appalling repressive dictatorship.

Laws in that highly centralized state are no longer political tools for managing society, but have become whips to whip all its groups, black caves and basements for intimidation, torture, enforced disappearances, prolonged imprisonment for years, and exorbitant fines.

The regime's strategy has become to launch a widespread wave of repression dressed in a legal and judicial guise, and to justify its behavior with conspiratorial and populist narratives.

She had previously confirmed in a statement to the French magazine "Mediapart" on January 26 that the regime had created a parallel judicial system in order to legalize severe repression, "and that the most repressive and biased judges of the regime were chosen to form the special courts officially charged with combating terrorism, but In fact, it aims to stifle criticism."

According to a previous report of the Committee for Justice, the widespread and systematic use of destructive torture cannot be carried out without directives from the head of political authority and under the eyes of the government in a way that ensures the protection of perpetrators from accountability, especially when victims of torture are opponents. politicians.

The result is that intimidation and intimidation tactics - which were used with the support of legal legislation, and with it systematic police brutality to deprive citizens of freedom of expression, and populist narratives (religious and national) to raise the ruling general to the rank of savior, and the approval of treaties without supervision or accountability - closed the public space and oppressed the people and silenced their voice And it passed many shameful agreements, including the signing of the Declaration of Principles in 2015 as if the river was without people.

At a time when the people were waiting for their parliament to confront and withdraw from the agreement on principles that lost their rights in the Nile waters, its representatives were moving in the path of creating problems and exporting crises by passing many controversial laws and legislation, one of which was the amendment of Constitutional Court Law No. 48 of the year 1979, which imposes a formal immunity, perhaps with a kind of bullying in favor of the Egyptian state in the face of the outside world.

It aims at granting the court the right of judicial oversight over the constitutionality of decisions of international organizations and bodies, and the rulings of foreign courts and arbitral tribunals required to be implemented against the Egyptian state, and ruling that such decisions or the obligations resulting from their implementation are not considered.

The amendment aims to block any judgment against Egypt or a decision that binds it to pay dues or financial or moral compensation, or to abide by certain provisions of international treaties, or to impose penalties that require lifting the harm caused to persons, parties, or entities.

Some sources talked about the government's fear of passing judgments and executive decisions by international organizations and foreign countries against the background of some lawsuits filed against the regime and some of its leaders in their capacity and persons at the present time.

Supporters of the law saw that it fortifies and protects Egyptian national security against the outside, while the opponents - who do not exceed a few deputies - saw that it "damages Egypt's reputation abroad, and no one there will be convinced of it," and warned against seizing Egyptian property outside the country.

As for the other law, it touches the rickety interior, pushes the path of further polarization, and the industry of hatred that has not stopped for a moment since 2013, and imposes a new racial discrimination, as it allows the expulsion of state employees belonging to the Muslim Brotherhood who have survived organized killings in massacres, enforced disappearances or the guillotine of the courts and prisons, to end their fate to legalized displacement.

By analogy with the above over the past 8 years, all opponents of the regime are brothers, even if they are Copts or not.

It is noteworthy here that the (spoiled) Minister of Transport, Lieutenant General Kamel al-Wazir - who failed to perform his duties - put the law in the court of Parliament, and issued the Muslim Brotherhood responsible for its repeated failures, crises, problems and casualties in the transportation facility, to kill two birds with one stone.

Although it was finally passed, the law on "dismissal by other than disciplinary means" collides with the provisions of the constitution, which stipulates that "no discrimination between citizens before the law because of political affiliation or any other reason."

Also, Sisi’s signature on the Agreement of Principles in 2015 or the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Agreement, or the concession of the islands of Tiran and Sanafir, or excessive armaments or indebtedness without account, collides with controls, consultations, commitments, rules, laws and restrictions that he deliberately ignored, to implicate his country and its people in countless crises. This time the case is related to a life or death story.

What should be pointed out is the timing of such amendments, and will the first legislation be a way for Sisi or his regime to evade the Declaration of Principles agreement?

Or is it just a pure coincidence, and a random idea that was placed in the void without resonance or impact, and that he is sick with old age, and does not have the courage to admit his mistake and then retreat from it.

As for the second legislation - which came at a time when it is supposed to line up for an existential cause - in which Sisi and his regime preferred to continue the path of eradication and restriction, perhaps to prevent the politicized from even thinking about gathering themselves again in this emergency circumstance, or because - as an authoritarian dictator - they did not He has no merchandise but repression, which is sure to be popular in the future, and its harbinger of unrest.

Legitimizing oppressive and arbitrary authoritarian practices based on the ideas of the individual ruler and his entourage of generals of the military and security services without regard to the principles of the rule of law and the values ​​of justice will not bring stability and will not impose its sustainability.

And everyone realizes that had it not been for the blank checks (internally and externally) and the release of Sisi’s hand in legislation - which broke the backbone of the people and gave them the freedom to sign agreements without study, oversight or fear of accountability - he would not have dared to waste the waters of the Nile, and put the lives of 100 million people At stake in the wind.

It is also certain that the omens of instability that appear in its head will bring down the allegations of stability, moderation and tolerance that tyrants have always invoked, and will prove the West’s mistake in continuing to pump money into a failed model, as it is neither morally successful nor preserving its strategic interests, and the threats will be the unit of explosion in the event of a water shortage The Nile is greater than the world can bear, whose doors will falter and collapse in the face of unprecedented waves of random migration, and everyone will then pay a double tax.