What's new: the disintegration of power in Mali

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Force demonstration in Bamako, Mali, supporters of Imam Mahmoud Dicko to demand the departure of President IBK. Bamako, June 19, 2020. REUTERS / Matthieu Rosier

By: Frédéric Couteau Follow

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Still thousands of demonstrators last Friday in the streets of Bamako. And a new injunction yesterday from M5, the movement of June 5. The M5, which "  announces that it will intensify and intensify its struggle throughout the national territory  ", points out the daily L'Indépendant . The protest camp, which continues to grow, is sharpening its weapons for a third mobilization, the date of which will be announced soon.  "

And large cracks appear in the camp of power ... "  The Constitutional Court has fallen into decrepitude, exclaims The Independent, with the resignation, in recent days, of almost all the Wise. The battering of Mahmoud Dicko and his family went through there. The National Assembly, for its part, also registered its first cracks with the constitution of a 'Club of the elected officials of the people' which calls for by-elections in the electoral districts where there have been disputes.  "

Cascading resignations to the Constitutional Court

It is "  the fall of a pillar of the regime,  " launches the daily Malikilé . “  The Constitutional Court of Mali, the highest court in the country after the Supreme Court, literally liquefied after the resignation of five of its members and that expected of its President Manassa Danioko. Never in the history of democratic Mali has an institution been criticized and vilified, because of judgments, that specialists have described as unconstitutional, and serious breaches of its ethics due to its association with the executive power and its interference in the political life of the country . "

The Witness , another Malian publication, specifies: "  In article 4 of the rules of procedure of the Constitutional Court, it is stated that the Court can validly deliberate only if at least 5 of its members are present. Today with more than one member, namely the president of the said institution, it is necessary to note its blockage and to draw the consequences.  "

What strategy for IBK?

So what is going to do, what can President IBK do? Will IBK use exceptional powers to get the country out of the crisis?" Wonders the news site Maliweb . There is nothing to confirm it, he replies. The Head of State must at least be inspired by the proposals of the ECOWAS delegation to establish a political dialogue . Because there is urgency: "  calamitous governance marked by numerous scandals, piloting on sight of the country in aggravated security crisis, post-electoral crisis having aroused multiple dissatisfactions. The IBK regime is today vomited by an overwhelming majority of the people. IBK must once again address its people. This time will, this time believes Maliweb, be the opportunity to announce strong decisions such as the dissolution of the National Assembly and the Constitutional Court. "

What path to relaxation? Echoes the daily L'Essor . Neither the ECOWAS preventive diplomacy nor the concessions made by the authorities seem to be enough to establish dialogue. However , the newspaper believes, discussions around a table are essential for a way out of the crisis. "

Imam Dicko in the foreground

In any case, facing IBK, another leader asserts himself: Imam Dicko ... Imam Dicko, one of the initiators of the June 5 Movement, "  is undoubtedly the most influential political-religious leader and the most popular in Mali,  "exclaims the site Inf @ sept . Today he is seen by many Malians as the hero and the savior.  "

In a column published by Le Monde Afrique , Bakary Sambe, director of the Timbuktu Institute, believes that “  the rise of Imam Dicko is the symbol of the failure of the Malian political elite. (…) The principles of good morality slung, it federates religious sensitivities and benefits from the decline of leftist ideologies (…). Imam Dicko understood that to aggregate the current frustrations, continues Bakary Sambe, it was necessary to purify his speech of Islamist references in order to operate an unprecedented junction between Salafist mobilities and former militants of the nationalist left who see in this 'smart Islam' an effective form of protesting the West and 'neo-imperialism'. In order to hide his religious background, the political offer of Imam Dicko is carefully packed with a critique of bad governance. All in a context of rejection of the foreign military presence.  "

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