Different roles and motives
Interpretation of current situations
The positions of other countries

Among the Arab positions that are closest to "Israel", the official Arab position - in general and with few exceptions - seems closer to accepting US President Donald Trump's plan for the Palestinian cause, known medialy as the "Deal of the Century". However, this acceptance ranges from direct partnership in the plan, to the impotence that has revealed itself either by silence or by the very cautious attitude and hedging of its phrase.

As a result of the deterioration line that marked the official Arab behavior in recent decades towards the Palestinian issue, and the abrupt attitudes expressed by Arab countries in this regard in recent times, and because this plan was gradually unfolding, and with the stated participation of Arab states in some of its stages, the last position that is related to the Trump plan The Palestinians were not surprised, in particular, and the Arab masses in general, despite the content of the plan, which only means the liquidation of the Palestinian issue, and the political meaning of the Palestinian presence.


Different roles and motives
The participation of the ambassadors of the Emirates, Bahrain, and the Sultanate of Oman in the conference to announce the plan does not mean that these three countries are at the same level in terms of role and influence, but the difference in the role and influence or the different motives from participating in the plan conference does not make the position of any of the three countries new.

While the UAE is at the forefront of the participants in the plan, even at the level of planning preparation, Bahrain has issued at the official level in recent years the call for normalization with "Israel" and the abandonment of the Palestinian issue, and hosted the "Bahrain Economic Workshop" which was considered the economic introduction to the Trump plan As for the Sultanate of Oman, it has been one of those who profess to maintain public relations with senior levels in "Israel", as evidenced by its hosting of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu last October.

The difference between these three countries lies mainly in the location of the UAE, whose role in preparation and planning is known not only due to what is leaking, but also as its exposed location in the Middle East alliance sponsored by the Trump administration, and includes it alongside Netanyahu and the regime of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, and does not move away About him, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. In this alliance, Bahrain's role comes as a reconnaissance period to market the positions and policies of this alliance, while the Sultanate of Oman is planning a different path for itself, ensuring for it a regional role that distinguishes it from the great (Saudi) neighbor and protects it from it, which enables the interpretation of its distinguished relations with Iran at the time. Himself. It may not be so far from the Sultanate’s New Testament that it is also concerned with showing the persistence of the policies pursued by the late Sultan Qaboos.

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The difference between these three countries lies mainly in the location of the UAE, whose role in preparation and planning is known not only due to what is leaking, but also as its exposed location in the Middle East alliance sponsored by the Trump administration, and includes it alongside Netanyahu and the regime of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, and does not move away About him, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. In this alliance, Bahrain's role comes as a reconnaissance period to market the positions and policies of this alliance, while the Sultanate of Oman is planning a different path for itself, ensuring for it a regional role for itself.
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Saudi Arabia stands on the site where the UAE stands, even if it does not participate in the conference announcing the plan, as announced at least. Despite the hedging of political data for the purposes of media propaganda, especially in a highly sensitive issue such as the Palestinian issue, the statement of the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs includes three basic elements regarding the plan.

The first is appreciation of Trump's efforts, the second is the call for direct negotiations under the auspices of the United States, and the third - the most dangerous - counted the plan as the basis for these negotiations, meaning that the Kingdom - according to this statement - proceeds as is the case with the plan itself from the colonial facts that the Israeli occupation has devoted.

Whatever the truth about the declared position of the queen, it is also - as is the case of the Emirates - a key element in the Middle East alliance sponsored by the Trump administration, and in recent years a lot has been leaked indicating that it exerted pressure on the Palestinians to accept the Trump plan, in addition to the massive shift in its policies The media, by broadcasting focused propaganda - mainly through what is known as "electronic flies" - targets the Palestinians, their right and struggle, and calls for normalization with "Israel", which has already opened its doors through Saudi personalities who have been allowed to establish public contacts with the Israelis.

As for Egypt's stated position - in its Foreign Ministry statement - it approached in its formulations the position of Saudi Arabia, and it was subject to many amendments supervised by the Presidency of the Republic - as sources said - ended by deleting the reference to a Palestinian state on the lands occupied in 1967 and its capital East Jerusalem, a position that emerges from the partnership In the alliance itself, and among the policies pursued by Sisi to get very close to "Israel", in a way that may be difficult to explain at times.

Interpretation of current situations

The basic interpretation of the positions of the four countries (UAE, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Egypt) is clear from its position in the relationship with the current US administration and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. And if each of these countries has its own reasons, then the overarching reason is its participation in one alliance that aims to settle the entire region according to the common interests of these countries.

These interests are mainly in establishing the systems of government therein, the sweeping aspirations of its decision-makers in it, and what this requires in order to liquidate the Arab revolutions and their revolts, and end the phenomenon of political Islam, and the final dedication to the existence of "Israel" in the region, by integrating it into this alliance that has taken on dangerous dimensions at the security levels And intelligence.

Egyptian President Al-Sisi's efforts to gain international legitimacy by covering him on the bloody coup track that brought him to power, and in the heart of a power that has been known - at least since the Camp David agreement - to submit to American hegemony; certainly pushing it to reach the American decision-maker through the Israeli gate, as well as the aspirations of the crown prince Saudi.

It is not far in this context that an ideological impetus escaping from Arab political constants, or anti-political Islam, is present to form a glue sticking between the pillars of this alliance. Exaggeration in abandoning the Palestinian cause, in supporting Israel and hostility to political Islam, including - in some cases - infringing on the religion itself, or a coup against a societal culture, is difficult to explain with political reasons that were always available.

There is no doubt that there are political developments that should not be underestimated, which have been undermined by the policies of some Arab countries to this degree, which is represented in the state of growing liquidity in the region and the world, which is one of the most prominent features of it in our region: the Arab revolutions and their repercussions, the fall of previous regimes, and the chaos in a number of Arab countries, and Iranian expansion, in addition to global transformations, such as the rise of the right, economic crises, and strategic ambiguity at the level of international relations.

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There is no doubt that there are political developments that should not be underestimated, which have been undermined by the policies of some Arab countries to this degree, which is represented in the state of growing liquidity in the region and the world, which is one of the most prominent features of it in our region: the Arab revolutions and their repercussions, the fall of previous regimes, and the chaos in a number of Arab countries, and Iranian expansion, in addition to global transformations, such as the rise of the right, economic crises, and strategic ambiguity at the level of international relations
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In such situations, the weak states - who used to live under foreign protection or suffer from fragility at the level of legitimacy - will turn to the United States from the Israeli portal, which will require acceptance of the Israeli vision to liquidate the Palestinian issue, in addition to the participation of "Israel" with these regimes in concern One of the Arab revolutions, which confused its future outlook for its existence and its strategic position in a shattered Arab sea, is essentially unacceptable to its existence.

So, the Iranian factor is not unique in making this Arab endowment, which is constantly approaching "Israel", and if it is important in its turn, the growing Iranian influence and its standing on the northern borders of occupied Palestine threatens the strategic position of "Israel", in terms of its regional superiority of guarantees. Its continued existence, retaining its importance for the West, and the same can be said in the Israeli concern that Turkey maximizes its strength and prestige, even though it maintains relations with "Israel".

What is noticeable here is the convergence of the Israeli-Arab position (that is, the position of the four mentioned countries) towards both Turkey and Iran, despite the fact that Turkish foreign policies do not rise on the levers of paradoxes for Arabs, unlike Iran, where sectarian tools advance in penetrating the Arab sphere.

This congruence with "Israel" in the position on the issues of the region and its countries indicates a high level of harmony in the alliance, and that the propaganda to replace Iran with "Israel" in Arab hostility is an Israeli demand, more than a need for those countries that could face Iranian policies in a different way .

The positions of other countries

It is worth noting - and this being the case - to the positions of other countries, it welcomed the American efforts in the context of its comment on the Trump plan, but it does not meet the previous states in the same box, as the State of Kuwait - announced in a statement of its Foreign Ministry - welcomed what it called the American endeavors to resolve the Palestinian issue and end the conflict Israeli Arab, but did not mention Trump's plan.

Kuwait affirmed the traditional Arab official position of establishing a sovereign Palestinian state within the borders of June 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital. Qatar's statement also met with this formulation, and the Jordanian official position remained close to these formulations, which did not state the rejection of the plan.

When talking about these countries that came out with a more cautious stance, Qatar's participation in the "Bahrain Economic Workshop" should not be overlooked, despite the blockade that is being imposed on it from the four countries that are closer to the Trump plan, including Bahrain. This is something that meets, in part, with the policy of the State of Oman, which adopts policies that move it away from Saudi hegemony, but does not break it with the United States.

Here, the Qatari policies are observed; not only in terms of its balance in the relationship with both Iran and the United States, but also in terms of maintaining a form of relations with "Israel" and supporting - at the same time - the spectrum of the Palestinians, whether the Palestinian Authority or Hamas.

Certainly, such countries are keen not to stir the wrath of the Trump administration, especially a country like Qatar that was almost invaded by its neighbors, with the complicity of some parts of the Trump administration, but whatever Qatar tries to balance, the price paid will be from the Palestinian issue, and the Israeli context to confine it to its neighbors is confirmed.

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The continuous deterioration in the official Arab position on the Palestinian issue, and for reasons related to Arab fragmentation, the weakness and fragility of the Arab states, whether in their regional and international locations, or in the nature of their interrelationships, or in the structures of governance in some countries; confirms the depth of the overlap between the Palestinian issue and multiple Arab issues. It also clarifies that any Arab renaissance is conditional on the liquidation of the colonial situation in Palestine
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It is a matter that reveals what is bigger and more dangerous; from an Arab response that reached the Arabs with such solutions, or to the inability to take a declared position expressly rejecting the plan to liquidate the Palestinian issue. This and internal problems in some Arab countries would occupy areas that were devoted to caring for the Palestinian cause .

The Arab positions did not begin to retreat on the Palestinian issue with the Arab revolutions, or with the Iranian expansion. The Palestinian issue represented a huge embarrassment historically for the official Arab system, and recognition of the PLO was perhaps the only legitimate representative of the Palestinians in 1974 as an entry point to the official Arab abandonment of the Palestinian cause.

Then came the organization's push to go towards a settlement with "Israel" under the pressure of the 1990/1991 Gulf War effects, and quick entry - after signing the Oslo Agreement - in public relations with "Israel", whether by signing a peace agreement with it, as in the case of Jordan, or opening its representatives. In some Arab countries, or to travel to and from it, all of this without resolving the Palestinian issue.

This continuous deterioration in the official Arab position on the Palestinian issue, and for reasons related to Arab fragmentation, the weakness and fragility of the Arab states, whether in their regional and international locations, or in the nature of their inter-relationship, or in the structures of governance in some countries; confirms the depth of the overlap between the Palestinian issue and multiple Arab issues .

It also explains that any Arab renaissance is conditional on the liquidation of the colonial situation in Palestine, and that the Arab inability to exit an official position expressly rejects the Trump plan - with rare exceptions such as Algeria and Syria - does not mean only the end of the official Arab system in its known historical form.