The entry into force on August 26 of the second package of so-called draconian sanctions against Russia in connection with the Skripals poisoning case is a serious blow to Donald Trump, who for a long time managed to block the process. Let me remind you that the first was launched on August 8, 2016 by a law 24 years ago on the control of chemical and biological weapons. Congressmen deprived the president of the opportunity to somehow influence the course of events by including in the legislative act a clause according to which the parliament was vested with the exclusive right to remove the restrictions imposed. It was not a very pleasant moment for the US president. His powers were deliberately curtailed.
At the same time, it became known about the preparation of the next package, which was just called the draconian sanctions. The Department of State called the package of restrictive measures under development “very painful”. Indeed: new restrictions are much tougher than those introduced a year ago. They include restrictions on the state debt of the Russian Federation and Washington’s demand for international organizations, such as the WB and IMF, not to provide loans to Moscow. American banks will be banned from participating in the initial public offering of Russian sovereign debt denominated in rubles, and lending to the Russian government not in rubles. Exports to the Russian Federation of a number of materials, goods and equipment will be cut to near zero.
In fact, the second package was supposed to take effect three months after the first. It was such a period that Russia was given to repent, to commit itself not to poison anyone else and to allow international observers to Russian chemical plants. Naturally, Moscow ignored these demands, calling the charges in the Skripals case unsubstantiated. Since then, her position has not changed one iota. The allotted time passed, then one more and another, and the “dragon” remained motionless, despite the fact that Congressmen and senators who were especially friendly towards Russia did not get tired of fumbling the administration for the launch of sanctions.
Finally, in May this year, speaking in Congress, Deputy Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, Andrea Thompson, named the reason for the pretty redundant congressmen red tape with the second package: “We did an analysis of the sanctions. We have prepared them. My answer would be that we need a broader strategy regarding Russia. ” That is, Donald Trump quite consciously went against the will of supporters of pressure on Russia with the help of ever new economic restrictions.
As you can see, he managed to hold out for a year, until finally he was pushed from his occupied positions. The Russian direction for the American administration can now be considered failed.
From now on, one cannot dream of rapprochement and normalization of bilateral relations (and this is an extremely important part of the foreign policy strategy of the head of the White House). The Kremlin will retaliate and increase the drift towards the east. This direction has long been actively mastered: China and the Arab countries are quite able to strengthen Russia's foreign policy resources if closer interaction is established with them both in bilateral relations and on international platforms.
Trump lost not only domestically, but also abroad. Last week, he failed to convince the heads of European states to return to the G8 format with the participation of Russia, which resulted in a serious quarrel. According to The Guardian, according to one of the European diplomatic sources, the majority of G7 leaders insisted that the “group of seven” is “a family, a club, a community of liberal democracies”, and therefore they cannot allow the Russian Federation to join the format, since Moscow, according to their statements, does not defend similar values.
Actually, the policy of sanctioning the enclosure of Russia, in which, as it seemed, positive shifts took place, again returned to its original values. There is no doubt that certain difficulties will arise in our country, but they knew how to circumvent sanctions by receiving the necessary goods and services back in Soviet times. Today, taking into account the fact that the European and American economies are far from being the only high-tech markets, and lending and investments of Western origin also do not exhaust all the possibilities in this area, we will, of course, get out.
In the end, “torn to shreds” (according to Barack Obama, said back in 2014), the Russian economy is not at all like paralysis. Growth rates are low, but steady. Sovereignty and the right to defend one’s own interests in international politics have a price. We do not refuse to pay.
The author’s point of view may not coincide with the position of the publisher.