The Islamic movements did not receive much of the objective methodology of dealing with them, not only as a purely religious situation, but as a sociological phenomenon in which social, political, religious and cultural are mixed.

This phenomenon is often reduced to its motor side without penetrating the depth of its intellectual and organizational structure, let alone addressing its political and social contexts. Which deprives this phenomenon of the opportunity to be subjected to objective criticism, which can be derived from new rules to explain their behavior.

In general, two schools have dominated the field of study of Islamic movements extensively during the last two decades. The first school is what we might call the "self-criticism school of the Islamic movement", a school led by a movement that belongs to the same movement and emerged from its womb, but later left it to various circumstances and reasons ranging from public to private. Some members of this school may still be close to the general line of the Islamic movement and belong to it intellectually rather than organizationally.

Perhaps the most important features of this school that they are almost the closest to reality, as the "people of Mecca aware of their reefs." The book "The Islamic Movement ... A Vision for the Future," edited and presented by Kuwaiti researcher Dr. Abdullah Al-Nafisi in the late 1980s, has been published in this book.

A former member of the movement, Dr. Hamid Abdel Majid, reissued the book, but in two parts, as part of an extensive research project to spread "self" criticism of the "peaceful" Islamic movement throughout the Arab world.

This school has many personalities who have directed a kind of self-criticism for the Islamic Movement to reform and improve its course, and to take it out of its religious bottle and push it into the civil sphere. But the dilemma of this school is that many Islamists were not psychologically prepared to listen to it and to practice it in order to correct their mistakes.

"
In general, two schools have dominated the field of study of Islamic movements extensively during the last two decades. The first school is what we might call the "self-criticism school of the Islamic movement", a school led by a movement that belongs to the same movement and emerged from its womb. The second school is a Western school that has been interested in Islamic movements for the past two decades, and its presence increased strongly after the attacks of September 11, 2001.
"


They were often viewed with suspicion and suspicion, for reasons that are not objective, some of them related to the past experiences of the cadres of this school, and others are linked to the strong criticism of these leaders of the movement and its organizational frameworks.

The second school is the Western school that has studied Islamic movements for the past two decades. Its presence increased strongly after the attacks of September 11, 2001. It is a school that can be divided into two main streams. The first is the European Orientalist movement, which began studying the Islamic phenomenon since the early 1980s, As well as the emergence of Islamic awakening in more than one Arab country.

The interest of this movement reached the Islamic movement to its peak with the occurrence of the Algerian tragedy between the regime and the Islamic Salvation Front in the early nineties. There are many names belonging to this school, including - for example - the French researcher known Francois Bourga, who is one of the most Western researchers close to the Islamic phenomenon monitoring and analysis. His research contributions continue to be an important reference for Islamic movements in the Maghreb and North Africa.

"The Failure of Political Islam" (1994), which dealt with the Islamic movement from a comparative perspective, was later followed by his other writings, the most important of which was "The Globalization of Islam" (2004). This "French triangle" is complemented by well-known scholar Gilles Kibel, the author of the vast research production, which reduces Islam in its religious groups and movements, without giving a blind eye to its cultural and moral essence.

The second trend within this school is the stream of "mezzanine surface", a trend which, in the background of its study of the Islamic Movement, is the attack of 11 September 2001. We can imagine how this affects his vision and understanding of the Islamic phenomenon and its complexities.

Over the past two decades, American research centers have been working to monitor some aspects of the Islamic movement, most notably the Rand Corporation, a profitable research institution serving the purposes of the US Department of Defense and State Department, which served as the intellectual reservoir of neoconservatives in their dealings with Islamic movements. As well as the Washington Institute for Near East Studies, the political arm of the Israeli-American General Committee (AIPAC).

In their analysis of the Islamic Movement, these institutions are based on several erroneous assumptions. First, the Islamic movement is inherently a violent and radical movement, with no difference between moderates and extremists. That is, it is a pre-meditative vision that only serves to prove the common view of Arabs and Muslims as an essential source of hatred and anti-Westernism.

Second: The only approach promoted by these institutions in dealing with Islamic movements is the security and intelligence approach, not political. I met some of the staff at these research centers during several scientific conferences and events. I found that some of them know that the Islamic Movement does not exceed a short visit to this Arab country for the purpose of achieving research reputation and personal gain.

"
What might lead to optimism is the emergence of a new generation of young Arab and foreign researchers, who combine the systematic and sober training and recognition of the complexities of this Islamic phenomenon. The Islamic movements have many problems, and they - like other Arab movements - have made many mistakes. These problems and errors with a degree of objectivity and research integrity is something, and targeting them as a political and ideological discount is another thing
"


The third is that the logic that governs these vision prompts them to demand the support of the existing Arab regimes to achieve two goals. First, to ensure that these movements do not come to power, which could pose a serious threat to American interests, as the Iranian revolution of 1979 did. Blackmail some of these regimes by waving open dialogue with the Islamists, which may lead them to identify with the visions and interests of the US in the region.

The crisis does not lie in these trends, which stand biased from the Islamic movements, and sometimes Islam itself; but those who adopt their thesis from the Arab researchers and intellectuals, who exercise a kind of self-Orientalism on one of the important phenomena in the Arab world, the Islamic phenomenon, without any commitment to objectivity or facts Scientific and historical.

While Arab researchers should be more familiar with the complexities of this phenomenon, since they live with it and know the complexities of their societies, many of them fall into the trap of reductionism and superficiality, not to mention ideological prejudices.

However, what is likely to inspire optimism is the emergence of a new generation of young Arab and foreign researchers who combine the rigorous methodological composition and the recognition of the complexities of this phenomenon, which may contribute to more persuasive interpretations of their ideas, behavior and transformations.

The Islamic movements have many ideological, ideological and organizational problems. They have also been involved in many political errors, like the rest of the Arab political currents. However, addressing these problems and errors with some objectivity and research integrity is something, and targeting them as political and ideological.