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Since US President Joe Biden announced his country’s intention to establish a temporary seaport off the coast of Gaza, many questions have been raised about the maritime route for relief, whether the “sea corridor” from Cyprus to Gaza or the temporary American port.

Among these questions: What is the true Egyptian position on the idea of ​​an American port? What are Cairo's options for dealing with the new realities?

On March 7, the US President announced that he had instructed his army to establish a temporary port on the coast of Gaza to bring in aid.

In statements by the official spokesman for the US Department of Defense (the Pentagon), he announced the details of the port, which will be 500 meters long and will take about two months to build, and that the first Navy logistical ships have set off towards the coast of Gaza to begin implementing the project.

Israeli welcome

The Israeli welcome of establishing the temporary port and activating the sea corridor, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s claim that he had the idea of ​​the port, raised doubts and their motives at a time when Israel is closing its crossings with the Gaza Strip and obstructing the entry of aid through the Rafah crossing.

These doubts were also reinforced by Netanyahu's statements that "the port could facilitate the removal of Palestinians from Gaza," adding that "there is no obstacle to the Palestinians leaving the Gaza Strip, except for the unwillingness of other countries to accept them."

Netanyahu made this statement, according to the Israeli Kan channel, during a special meeting of the Foreign Affairs and Security Committee in the Knesset.

Repercussions on Egypt

It is expected that the American port will have an impact on the importance of the Rafah land crossing, which connects the Palestinian side with the Egyptian side, as the land crossing constitutes a historical gateway to Egyptian foreign policy at the level of the Palestinian issue and at the level of Egypt’s international relations.

Cairo has previously used its control over the Rafah crossing to exert pressure on many parties, whether Palestinian or toward the Israeli occupation.

It is clear in this context that Egypt was completely absent from the US-led arrangements to establish the floating port and activate the sea corridor from Cyprus to the Gaza Strip.

The US State Department issued a press statement about the meetings hosted by Cyprus on activating the sea corridor, in which the United States, Cyprus, the European Union, Britain, the Emirates, and Qatar participated, while Egypt was absent.

The statement indicated that the ministers committed to continuing their engagement “and sending senior officials to Cyprus on March 18 to receive briefings on the continued activation of the corridor, including US military planning efforts to establish a temporary dock capable of receiving large amounts of humanitarian aid.”

Cairo usually adhered to the importance and priority of the Rafah land crossing over the proposals submitted in previous stages to establish a seaport or airport in the Gaza Strip, out of its keenness to preserve its main influence card.

At the same time, the Rafah land crossing constituted a commercial outlet, as the Gaza Strip constituted a vital market. In light of the sector's need for aid and reconstruction projects after the end of the war, Egypt will lose an economic source that is expected to generate tens of billions through the Rafah crossing.

The countries participating in the floating project aim for the process of introducing aid and reconstruction to be managed through the new port and not through land crossings.

In the same context, if the Israeli occupation carries out its threats to conduct a ground operation in the city of Rafah and perhaps be present in the Philadelphia axis, this will constitute a direct threat to Egyptian national security. This gradually removes Egypt from the circle of influence in the most important conflict in the region and limits its regional role and international importance.

An absent and ambiguous position

However, since the announcement of the American project to establish a floating port on the coast of the Gaza Strip, no direct comment has been issued from Cairo, neither positive nor negative.

Instead of direct comment, another type of Egyptian statement was issued that accompanied the American project announcement, focusing on the necessity of bringing aid through the Rafah land crossing, holding the occupation responsible for obstructing the land route and the accumulation of aid on the Egyptian side.

This includes statements by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, in which he said, “The Rafah crossing is open 24 hours a day and we are keen to bring aid into the Gaza Strip.” He also later held the Israeli occupation responsible for obstructing the entry of aid into the Gaza Strip.

The ambiguity in the Egyptian position raises questions about Cairo's true intentions in establishing the floating port. Despite this, a number of Egyptian experts and analysts criticize the American port project.

In press statements, Major General Muhammad Abdel Wahed described the American port as a mysterious project that appeared to be aid and was hostile in its essence. These criticisms are directed towards the parties involved in the port, while avoiding commenting on the official Egyptian position.

Given the experiences of previous wars on the Gaza Strip, the Egyptian position on the current aggression on Gaza appeared below the expected level. Obstructing the entry of aid through the Rafah crossing, linking it to Israeli approval, and being content with statements of denunciation and denunciation, without exerting real pressure on the Israeli occupation, constituted material to raise doubts about the Egyptian position regarding the aggression against Gaza.

Aid packages

Observers link a number of aid packages, loans, and projects that Egypt has recently obtained, and its position on the war on Gaza and its repercussions.

In a previous report by Al Jazeera Net, the report indicated that Egypt's discussions with the International Monetary Fund have become closely linked to developments in the war on Gaza. Fund Director Kristalina Georgieva said - in previous statements during the recent loan discussions - that the Fund is “seriously studying” a possible increase in the loan program for Egypt amounting to $3 billion as a result of the economic difficulties resulting from Israel’s war on Gaza.

In the same report, Fund spokeswoman Julie Kozak explicitly indicated that there was a need to provide “comprehensive support” to help Cairo deal with the pressures imposed by the refugee issue from Gaza due to the war waged by Israel in the Strip.

For its part, the European Union is working on an aid package worth 7.4 billion euros ($8 billion) to provide to Egypt in support of its economy, amid fears that the war on Gaza and the conflict in Sudan will exacerbate financial problems in this North African country, and increase immigration pressures on Europe. According to the British newspaper, the Financial Times.

The IMF also approved - at the beginning of this month - a loan to Egypt amounting to $8 billion, an increase of $5 billion from what was previously being talked about, which was $3 billion.

On the other hand, on February 23, Egypt and the UAE signed a contract to develop the new “Ras El Hekma” city with investments estimated at about 150 billion dollars, including 35 billion in direct foreign investment to the Egyptian government within two months, including 11 billion debt forgiveness. The contract stipulates that it will obtain Cairo receives 35% of the project’s total profits.

Observers believe that Egypt - given its difficult economic situation and the sensitivity of its relations with the United States and the Arab countries participating in the American project - may avoid declaring its conservative position on the American port in Gaza, in line with its position on the war on Gaza, which has received widespread criticism.

This raises concerns about Egypt's ability to remain steadfast in its rejection of displacement projects proposed by Israel. In the context of talking about the storming of the Palestinian city of Rafah, which is densely populated and displaced, Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry affirmed, during a discussion session at the Munich Security Conference last month, that “displacement operations constitute a threat to Egyptian national security and pressure on relations with Egypt.”

But he referred to the fait accompli policy, saying, "We have no intention of providing safe areas for the displaced, but if a fait accompli is imposed on us, we will deal with the situation and provide humanitarian support, but this is not a justification for imposing a fait accompli."

Cairo options

At the same time, Cairo has many options that can be taken to deal with the new challenge that the United States - with the approval of the Israeli occupation - wants to impose in the sea of ​​the Gaza Strip.

Among these options is working to activate the Rafah crossing and allowing larger amounts of aid to enter from the Egyptian side, which will constitute a clear Egyptian message regarding the position on the temporary American port.

Also, replacing an Arab crossing (Egyptian-Palestinian) with a sea port controlled by Washington and protected by the occupation - according to Pentagon statements - constitutes a violation of Egyptian and Palestinian sovereignty and interests. Despite this, no changes have appeared in Cairo’s behavior at the Rafah crossing since the announcement of the American project, whether at the level of introducing Aid or increasing the number of sick and wounded Palestinians wishing to be treated outside the Gaza Strip.

Egypt can also form joint pressure with many Arab and regional parties that reject the American seaport project, by encouraging these countries to send aid through the Rafah land crossing and not deal with the waterway and the temporary seaport.

This requires Egyptian-Turkish coordination in particular, as semi-official Turkish circles raise concerns about the motives for the new American presence in the eastern Mediterranean, especially with Ankara being excluded from meetings to coordinate the entry of aid into the Gaza Strip via the sea.

The Palestinian position adhering to the Rafah (Egyptian-Palestinian) crossing also constitutes a pressure tool for Cairo to strengthen its position in rejecting the sea port.

This position comes despite the obstacles facing the Palestinians at the Rafah crossing, which confirms the necessity for Cairo to utilize its relations with the main Palestinian factions due to the need to maintain the Rafah crossing as an effective Egyptian-Palestinian land corridor.

Source: Al Jazeera