• America Violent invasion of Bolsonaro supporters in the headquarters of the three powers in Brazil

"This is an ominous sign for the region in 2023:

governance is going to be a disaster

. We are already going with Peru (failed coup and violent confrontations), Bolivia (arrest of the governor of Santa Cruz, one of the main leaders opponents), Brazil and even Ecuador, with a larvae crisis that is going to emerge at some point because President Guillermo Lasso no longer has a parliamentary bench. And we are only on January 8," political scientist John Polga-Hecimovich warns EL MUNDO, still surprised by the images from Brasilia.

The violent takeover of Parliament, the assault on the Presidential Palace and the rest of the powers confirm what was suspected in the region even before the pandemic: Latin America is the largest political and social powder keg on the planet, in which the facts not only succeed one another, but greatly influence those to come.

The thousands of radical followers of

Jair Bolsonaro

acted yesterday following a script already written in 2021 with the assault on the Capitol by the hosts of

Donald Trump

.

So similar that, changing the flag of the stripes and stars for the yellow green and with the necessary warm clothing, the consequent image would be very similar.

The inspiration of extremist nationalist populism and a certain paten of impunity that has permeated Latin America around the events in Washington pushed those who remained camped there waiting for their opportunity to confirm that the extreme right also believes it has the right to take power. with the violence of the streets.

The example of Trump is very present in a continent that has turned to the left and that with the swearing in of Lula da Silva has consolidated the red color in most of the map of Latin America.

"The contest in Brazil acquired global importance in its day beyond international standards and the public preferences of the leaders. These elections made global leaders debate and take sides on the two options," explains internationalist Carmen Beatriz Fernández, who believes that the latest events test Bolsonaro's ability to become opposition leader.

"

To what extent is it advisable to copy Trump's model

, given that he has not done well this year, with his chances of returning to the presidency diminished," the Venezuelan political scientist wonders.

"The region did not need a little push, but it is undoubtedly an inspiration, especially due to impunity," María Puerta Riera, a professor of American government in Florida, confirms to this newspaper.

"The thing at the Capitol was planned while Trump was in power. This seems like a desperate action, because it occurs when the transfer of power has already taken place. That is, as with Trump, the Armed Forces were not in the game. They were not even The US Supreme Court, which is mostly conservative and far-right, supported Trump," contrasts the political scientist.

Governments deposed in the 90s by violent protests

"This is a violent protest that tries to subvert a democratic result at the polls, which is part of a Latin American tradition that

the left used in the 1990s

and in the first decade of the century to overthrow neoliberal and center-right governments at the polls. and that the Academy celebrated as an expression of plebeian democracy. Governments in South America were deposed due to protests that invaded government buildings in Argentina, Ecuador and Bolivia. In both cases, democratic coherence is imposed, because they are authoritarian actions of masses that They

try to destroy an electoral result.

It is something that must be denounced trans-ideologically

, "the historian Armando Chaguaceda explains to this newspaper.

"In addition, this action entails a certain international déjà-vu, because it is part of what they tried to do in the US, a violent attack by the extreme right that refers to the fascist acts of the 20th century, such as the March on Rome and Munich," he adds. Chaguaceda.

The former US president has not only illuminated Bolsonaro in his performances, but also other leaders such as the Salvadoran

Nayib Bukele

, apart from the excellent relations he had with the Mexican populist Andrés Manuel López Obrador.

The same theses of fraud resonated among the most radical parties in Peru to justify the clean and legitimate victory of former President

Pedro Castillo

, who just a few weeks ago unsuccessfully attempted a self-coup that had neither the military nor the police nor popular support.

In the subsequent protests, where leaders close to the prisoner stirred up the social hornet's nest of decades of oblivion in the southern Andes, some popular support for Castillo was evident.

"Brazil is a central country in the continent.

This attack is going to be read opportunistically by the left authoritarians

to say that popular and revolutionary democracies are needed and to ensure that the entire right is fascist. It is a moment in which

the The

democratic center, from the right and from the left, is missed

. The attack from the extremes and its own weakness have almost disappeared", concludes Chaguaceda when, in parallel, Lula's allies in the so-called Patria Grande (leftists, populists, revolutionaries and some progressive) launched their cry to heaven, this time in a justified way.

Something that they did not do, however, during the different violent assaults against the National Assembly of Venezuela, after the electoral triumph of the democratic opposition in 2015. Radicals, soldiers and even Chavista deputies

beat and threatened parliamentarians on several occasions

, who They defended bravely.

Even the plenary hall was taken by the forces of Nicolás Maduro, in images that few want to remember today.

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