Tunisian President Kais Saied consolidated his role as an absolute authority in Tunisia by approving his new constitution, heralding a new political era, after a short and difficult trial of democracy.

The overwhelming approval of the constitution - according to preliminary estimates - in a referendum in which only a quarter of the electorate participated in the establishment of a new political system in which the president enjoys almost complete authority, with no restrictions or little control over his authority.

Opponents of his plans and civil society activists fear that Tunisia has now joined the club of failed democracies after it led the uprisings against authoritarian rule with a revolution that unleashed the so-called "Arab Spring" in 2011.

Saeed says that he will not become a dictator, that he will preserve rights, and that there is a role for the rest of the state institutions.

"History will not go back," he said, rejecting the opposition's accusations, adding that the people had spoken, that sovereignty belongs to the people, and that the era of cake-sharing among the political elite is over.

But with political power flowing faster to the presidential palace in Carthage, which is located off the turquoise waters of the Mediterranean, storm clouds loom in Said's confrontation with the intensification of a severe economic crisis that shakes the country and threatens its finances with bankruptcy.


Economic crisis

The economic turmoil, which over the difficult years undermined the political parties that shared power, will represent the biggest challenges of the next stage, and Saeed will be the only party that will bear this heavy burden and must find urgent solutions on his own.

Analysts describe the economic problems as a heavy legacy left by his predecessors and the result of accumulation, but Saeed now has no choice but to find solutions or face popular anger.

As he moves to consolidate his control over every aspect of Tunisia's governance through new electoral laws and a largely toothless legislature, Saied is left with only unpopular options that have caused the downfall of his predecessors who ruled the country in the past decade.

The Tunisian economy has deteriorated since 2011, with a decline in growth, a rise in unemployment, a decline in public services, a growing deficit, debt, and political instability.

Successive governments have had to go down a difficult path, restricting public spending to secure foreign financial assistance without causing a social explosion by reducing subsidies and making life more difficult for the poor population.

But with no other authority to take responsibility now, Saeed may be solely to blame for the continuing economic problems.

"After he removed all obstacles and took all the powers, he has to meet our urgent demands; we want jobs for our children, we want health services and good transportation services, we can't wait long," said Salem Obeidi, a bank employee.


unilateral approach

Passing the referendum on Saied may make it easier to take the first step towards stabilizing the economy of getting a long-awaited rescue package from the International Monetary Fund.

Unlike in the past, there is no need to negotiate within a governing coalition, and the referendum puts an end to temporary arrangements in place since last summer, and it may also strengthen Said's position with the powerful labor union, the UGTT, which opposes many of the reforms.

Tunisian economist Moez Al-Joudi says that "the adoption of the new constitution may increase the chances of reaching an agreement after power has become in one hand and is not dispersed unlike in the past, but that is not enough."

But nonetheless, his unilateral political approach could also complicate efforts to obtain more Western assistance, as Western democracies have been the most important donors to Tunisia since the 2011 revolution.

Some of these countries may be less inclined to support Tunisia than before, but others who will bear the brunt of any migration crisis if the Tunisian economy collapses may think it is necessary to support Tunisia in all cases, regardless of Said's moves.

However, even if Saeed was able to secure a package of the International Monetary Fund and other foreign aid, he showed little interest in tackling the economy, or announcing a strategy to restore growth, create jobs, and attract foreign investment.


Disappointment with democracy

Economic failures have led to disillusionment with democracy and anger with parties in parliament, which resurfaces every winter with protests hitting Tunisian cities.

"His biggest weakness is social protest, and given that Said concentrated everything in his own hands, he can no longer blame others," said Nadim Houry, executive director of the Arab Reform Initiative.

Any social or political protests may be a test of Said's promise to uphold the rights and freedoms gained after 2011, and a test of the loyalty of the security services.

Meanwhile, despite popular anger with the opposition parties, they still have organized national structures capable of mobilizing people in different regions of the country, and almost all of them refuse to count Said's movements as legitimate.

The National Salvation Front (a major opposition alliance) questioned the official turnout of 28%, and other prominent opposition figures said the low turnout rate was insufficient to bless a new, permanent political order.