Gerhard Schröder was on a peace mission.

At least he thought so.

He had just spent a good two hours speaking with Rustem Umerov, a Ukrainian opposition politician and representative of the Crimean Tatars, at the Dolmabahce Palace in Istanbul.

He had sent Schröder "warm greetings" from President Volodymyr Zelenskyj.

Mona Jaeger

Deputy Editor-in-Chief for News and Politics Online.

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He and the Ukrainian government would greatly appreciate Schröder's willingness to speak to Russian President Vladimir Putin to at least facilitate a ceasefire.

It was March 7th.

The twelfth day of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine.

Schröder immediately told Umerow that he didn't know whether Putin would even see him.

But he wants to try.

Gerhard Schröder and his wife Soyeon Schröder-Kim, who accompanied him on this trip, drove back to Istanbul Airport.

Schröder called someone close to Putin from the car.

He explained the situation.

That he spoke to the Ukrainian side.

There are three points he would like to put to Putin.

Ten minutes passed.

Then the answer: yes, Putin would receive Schröder in Moscow.

Schröder's journey is precisely documented

Nobody in the SPD or the federal government had been informed in advance.

In Germany, people were irritated that Schröder now wanted to negotiate bilaterally with Putin.

After all, the SPD sub-district in Hanover had already received the first application for Schröder's party expulsion, which relates to the former chancellor's energy jobs.

SPD leader Lars Klingbeil, who used to be a friend of Schröder's, tried to save a little after the trip became known.

Anything that can contribute to an understanding is welcome, he said.

Schröder's journey is precisely documented.

Marc Walder, CEO of the Swiss media company Ringier, wrote everything down.

The Ukrainian politician Pavlo Ryabikin called him on March 4.

According to the record, he urgently asked to be contacted by Gerhard Schröder so that he could explain the Ukrainian side's point of view.

The minutes, including a schedule, are available to the FAZ.

However, it only reflects Schröder's point of view.

The Ambassador of Ukraine in Germany, Andriy Melnyk, said several times afterwards that Schröder's meeting with Putin did not come about at the request of Ukraine.

The Schröder couple stayed in Istanbul for one day.

Then, on March 9, a plane from Moscow picked them up.

The Schröders landed in Moscow at 9:45 p.m. and stayed at the Hotel Baltschug Kempinski.

Schröder was supposed to go to the Kremlin the next evening.

To the one-to-one talk with Putin.

Was Schröder on a peace mission - or on a mission of destruction?

This is not the first time the SPD has asked this question: when he secured the SPD's candidacy for chancellor in a robust to ruthless manner and governed with a Brioni suit and Basta.

At the beginning of his chancellorship, Schröder was considered a comrade of the bosses, which bothered many in the party.

Then he ordered tough labor market reforms for the country.

Many in the SPD blamed their former chancellor for the party's subsequent decline.

Schröder turned away from the SPD and rose in Putin's energy empire.

Just as uncompromising as he had been chancellor before.

Schröder has remained true to himself, you can say that.

He's proud of that.

But for many others, this is a big problem.