Volker Bouffier embodies a type of politician who is aptly described by the word prime minister, but with an emphasis on president.
Hardly any other leading politician in Germany has managed the role change from party politician to the “father of the country”, who seems to be above things, as quickly and consistently as Bouffier.
One of the reasons is certainly the political biography, which turned a “hardliner” as interior minister into a “liberal” head of government.
What sticks above all is the feat of this convinced black man, of all people, of having forged an alliance with the Greens in the first area at a time when it was still considered a political miracle and a moderate earthquake.
Eight years later, Bouffier's farewell comes at a time when the miracle has become a resilient prospect of power.
Black-green is the new red-green.
The origins of this turning point will remain linked to the Bouffier era.
The presidential attitude was and is an important prerequisite for this.
It is often described as balance, the ability to compromise or even "chemistry", but it is essentially a question of leadership, and therefore a question of personality.
It has always played a role in Germany, especially in Hesse, without the public being all that keen on dealing with the term "leadership" or even "leaders".
This evasion was facilitated by strong popular parties, which could claim that the party made the politician, not the other way around.
Politicians make parties
Today, with the weakening of the popular parties, this is no longer so clear.
The most recent elections even show that the relationship is gradually reversing: personalities make their parties.
Or were Daniel Günther, Hendrik Wüst, Anke Rehlinger, Olaf Scholz really chosen because of their parties?
There is much more to suggest that they try to make up for the weakness of their party ties with the strength of their personality and official charisma, or can make them completely forgotten.
The CDU is particularly susceptible to this development because it does not develop its strength from programmatic power, but from the personal offer.
Bouffier's last major task before the general election was to avoid turning this embarrassment into a populist temptation.
Again and again moments flashed up in which the party was degraded to a mere orchestra on which plebiscitarians could drum well.
It is not surprising that the deputy party leader in the decisive triangle of Markus Söder, Friedrich Merz and Armin Laschet leaned towards the Rhinelander, who wanted to prevent Markus Söder because he threatened to permanently cross the border of populism for him.
The fact that Bouffier also had his doubts about Laschet can be seen from the fact that he now admitted that he was very happy to become party chairman himself.
Bouffier resisted populist temptation
Bouffier has resisted this temptation before.
In the Merkel era, he was not one of the critics of the politically unreliable chancellor, who would have liked more confrontation, a clear edge and conflict.
In the wake of Alfred Dregger, Walter Wallmann and Roland Koch, who are often cited as pithy role models and leading people's party politicians, this reticence was remarkable.
In the CDU, however, the most recent electoral successes also show that the Bouffieresque politicians have prevailed, who do not confuse steadfastness with radicalism and dogmatism.
In the AfD-affine (sometimes also in the FDP-affine) electorate, this orientation towards proportionality, consideration and the willingness to correct is often interpreted as opportunism.
The green-alternative scene, on the other hand, rewards this attitude as a learning ability, when it is not campaigning against old white men.
This does not make Bouffier's legacy any easier.
Political conditions can change overnight because they are more closely tied to people and offices than they used to be.
In Hesse there is also the fact that the strength of the CDU, which is prone to fluctuations and has turned a “red” state into a black-yellow one, then into a black-green one, can easily be surpassed by the Greens.
That too will not be decided by programs, but by who has the “better people”.
Boris Rhein is at least given the sweet satisfaction at the start that the reason for his greatest political defeat to date, the Mayor of Frankfurt Peter Feldmann, against whom he lost the mayor election ten years ago, turned out to be a big mistake.
Because it can also go wrong when politicians make their parties.
Volker Bouffier has set standards that and how things can go well.