Here he is landing in the Qatari capital, Doha, as an extraordinary ambassador to the Republic of Yemen, after spending more than 7 years as an official spokesman for the Yemeni government, and familiar with many of the events that the country witnessed, especially during the years of war that the government - backed by a Saudi-Emirati alliance - is waging against. The Ansar Allah group, the Houthis, who seized control of the capital, Sanaa, in September 2014.

In this meeting, we talk with the first Yemeni ambassador in Doha after the Gulf crisis, Rajeh Badi, about the horizon of the Yemeni war and the reasons for its continuation for more than 7 years, about the fate of negotiations with the Houthis, and the reality of the government’s management of the country from the Saudi capital, Riyadh, and what is called by observers the “government of Hotels" and other things.

  • Perhaps we start from the field developments. The Saudi-Emirati coalition has entered to defend the legitimate government inside Yemen, but it seems that it is now in a position to defend its vital facilities, especially after targeting the UAE and the continued targeting of Saudi Arabia by the Ansar Allah Houthi group. Does this not indicate an imbalance of power?

In the beginning, we know that the war was imposed by the Houthi militia, which turned against an elected legitimate authority, turned against the outcomes of the national dialogue in which it participated, and turned against the Gulf initiative and its executive mechanism that was under the auspices of the United Nations. They are the main reason for this war.

Now, after 7 years of war, it has become clear that the Houthis are a tool of some countries in the region.

Seven years ago, al-Houthi was present in the Al-Ma’asheq Palace in the temporary capital, Aden, but now there are vast areas of the Yemeni governorates liberated, and we say that this war the Yemenis paid a heavy bill;

Unfortunately, the reason for this is Houthi domination. The efforts of 3 UN envoys have failed, and everyone is following what these envoys say when their missions end and who is the party that causes the war to continue.

  • But what is the strategy with which the government and the coalition behind it are waging this war, in light of red lines over the liberation of Sana’a and some areas such as Taiz and others, is the strategy to liberate all regions of Yemen, or only to extend control over as many provinces as possible, so that cards of power are placed At the table any negotiations?

I assure that there are no red lines for the legitimate government. We are waging a national liberation battle against a enslaving project with a religious cover. Yemenis still have a fresh memory of the Imamate project against which the September 1962 revolution, which was supported by our Arab brothers, especially the Republic of Egypt.

This project, which the Yemenis fought against, has now found regional support, which made it strengthen, roam, and prolong the war. I will strike with the sword of peace until the last moment.” But the Houthis did not give priority to the national interest, the voice of reason, or the voice of dialogue.


  • But the war has become absurd in the eyes of many observers;

    Neither the coalition is capable of -or willing to-extend control over all the provinces, nor are the Houthis able to rule all the provinces?

I am not saying that the course of the battles has become normal, but there are regional interventions that have led to the prolongation of the war. There are accounts and interests of some powers and countries that wanted to settle their accounts in Yemen.

But I assure you that all Yemenis are convinced that this is a war of liberation for my country, and such wars do not end quickly.

  • This means that you will fight the war indefinitely?

We defend our national principles, we defend the republic, freedom and democracy, and at the same time we make concessions after another in the political track. We have had more than one round of negotiations in Kuwait, Geneva and Peel.

We made all concessions, but it is the other side that does not have its own decision, and it seems that the supporter of this party has not yet been convinced to end the war and reach a political consensus.

  • Mentioning these negotiations, you went through a number of them, and there were recent diplomatic moves in the Omani capital, Muscat. Where did you reach, and why did you stumble?

There were movements, but the result was zero, due to the intransigence of the Houthi militia, and delegations went to Sanaa and clashed with their intransigence as well.

  • But - politically - what did the Houthis reject?

    Do they have a dispute with you over the presidency, for example, or about their share in the government?

    Or what exactly?

I mean, for example, in the Kuwait negotiations, we reached a comprehensive, complete and written agreement, and we, as a government delegation - at the time headed by former Foreign Minister Abdul-Malik Al-Mikhlafi - signed that final agreement, which was the result of marathon consultations in its final form, but the Houthis retreated at the last moment.

Although we signed and were not convinced by many of the terms of that agreement, but we were keen for the war to stop and for everyone to move towards coexistence, peace and building the country, the Houthi side retracted the signing at the last moment, even though they themselves contributed to the drafting of the terms of that agreement.

  • Why, in your opinion, is this Houthi refusal, or what you describe as "intransigence"? What do the Houthis want?

Al-Houthi presents himself as the party who has the right to rule because he has the power and weapons. He does not want to submit to the democratic process that began since the establishment of Yemeni unity in 1990 and has continued, albeit in a relative manner, and the Yemeni people are the ones who elect their authority, but Al-Houthi wants the gun to choose The authority, therefore, apart from any other factors, I repeat that the Yemenis are waging a national liberation battle against a party that sees that there is a class that has the divine right to rule and authority.

Yemen and regional issues

  • It seems that the Yemeni file has become more complicated in light of its connection with regional files, such as the Saudi-Iranian talks, or international ones such as the Iranian nuclear file. Can the Yemenis negotiate among themselves and find a way to peace away from these files?

Because of the regional interference, the Yemeni file has come to the negotiating table in a number of issues, whether the Iranian nuclear issue, the Syrian file, or others. As for us - the government and the legitimate authority - we affirm that the war was imposed on us, and if the reasons that led to the outbreak of this war are removed, we are ready To stop it immediately.


  • What if the regional and international powers recognized the legitimacy of the Houthis in Sanaa?

No country in the world can recognize the law of an armed militia, now and after 7 years of its control over the historical and political capital Sana’a, no one has recognized it, because recognizing the authority of any militia will open the door to chaos in the world, we must see things as they are, away from any accounts Another politician, this is an armed militia that took control of the state’s arms and overturned the authority. If the world recognizes this armed coup by a militia, it will recognize any coup anywhere else in the world tomorrow, and this opens the door to chaos in the world.

  • But Washington removed the Houthis from the list of terrorism?

Washington is a major supporter of legitimacy. There have been accounts for the new US administration. It may want to send a message of encouragement to the Houthis so that they turn to dialogue, especially since President Joe Biden is the first US president to appoint a special representative for the Yemeni file, but so far, after more than a year, the Houthis refuse to meet with this envoy. American.

The Houthis misunderstood this message and escalated their aggression in Marib, Shabwa and Hodeidah, so we heard that the US administration is seeking to review its decision and is working to reclassify them as a terrorist group.

  • Could the opposite of what you say happen, after removing the Houthis from the terrorist list, the American position could evolve to hand them over to a de facto authority?

No, this will not happen. There are political and diplomatic norms with which the world deals. It is not possible to recognize an armed group that has turned against a legitimate authority. Dealing with such groups will encourage chaos in more than one region of the world.

  • If an agreement is reached between the major powers and Iran on the Iranian nuclear file, can the Houthis be dealt with in one way or another and recognized as the ruling authority in Sanaa?

If the major powers reach an agreement with Iran on its nuclear file, they may be dealt with in another way or in another path, but the authority of an armed group will not be recognized.

  • You are now the ambassador of Yemen to the State of Qatar, can Doha play a political role in bringing the views of the Yemeni parties closer?

Qatar is a pivotal and important country in the region, and it has a successful foreign policy, and it has succeeded in more than one file, and the Yemeni-Qatari relations are historical, and since the establishment of Yemeni unity in 1990, it has stood by the unity of the Yemeni territories and the stability of the country, and it is widely respected by the people of The Yemeni people and the Yemeni leadership as well.

The Qatari leadership, headed by His Highness Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, affirmed its support for Yemeni legitimacy.

From our side, we welcome any effort and any role of any country, whether Qatar or others, that leads to stopping the bloodshed and ending the coup against the legitimate authority, and returning to what we reached before the war.


  • Did the Qatari side not offer you any role?

So far, no, but we have followed what I can describe as professionalism in the Qatari foreign policy, whether in the Afghan file or in other files, and we - as I told you - are open to all forces and all efforts that seek to restore things to their right and end this Houthi coup.

government presence

  • There has been much talk and criticism of the government that runs the country from the outside, and it does not seem that the government intends to change the way it manages the crisis, especially in light of its decision being dependent on the hand of the coalition. May we know the reason behind this?

I do not know why this misinformation is repeated in many media and social media;

The government, since it was formed after the Riyadh Agreement, has been in Aden, the prime minister, Mr. Moeen Abdul-Malik, and all members of his government are in Aden, despite being targeted by the Houthis when their plane arrived.

  • Exist but not stable in Aden?

No, that is not true.

When I was a government spokesman and before my appointment as ambassador to Qatar, the government was always present in Aden, only a few days and lightning visits by the prime minister to the Saudi capital, Riyadh, to meet with President Hadi and the leadership of the coalition.

  • But the head of power, President Hadi, is in Riyadh?

This is another issue, but the government with all its members, its president, and its offices are present in Aden, despite the problems and obstacles that may make the government not perform its work effectively and as required. However, the government’s stay in Aden will overcome those difficulties and obstacles.

We see the ambassadors of European countries and the American ambassador heading to Aden to meet the government.

  • You mean, you confirm that all members of the government are permanently present in Aden, and the so-called "hotel government" is incorrect?

Yes, the government is in Aden, and the government has no choice but to be in Aden, and President Hadi, in the first meeting of the government after taking the constitutional oath, assured everyone that there is no excuse for any government official to stay outside Yemen, and the directives were clear in that.

The government is present in Aden, although this may not satisfy or pose a threat to the interests of local and non-local parties, and the decision to be in Aden is an irreversible decision with regard to legitimacy.


  • What about the return of the president and his deputy, is there security risks?

Maybe.

  • How can the government regain its influence in Yemen, if parts are in the hands of the Houthis and other parts are in the hands of forces that do not owe them allegiance, as in the coastal areas - which are controlled by the Giants forces - and areas in the south - run by the Southern Transitional Council - so what does the government manage?

    and how?

The government manages all these contradictions. The government's stay in Aden is to find solutions to all these contradictions and to unify this mosaic.

And the Riyadh Agreement is to find solutions to all these issues that I raised, and I say that the Riyadh Agreement must be fully implemented and as an integrated military and political system.

  • Who obstructs the implementation of the Riyadh Agreement?

Perhaps there are accounts with some local and regional parties, when there is a real state in the liberated areas of Yemen and activates state agencies, oversight bodies, police and courts, all of this is not in the interest of some parties who feel that this threatens their small local projects or their large projects at the level of the region.

  • Are you talking about the Southern Transitional Council?

I am not talking about the Southern Transitional Council or anything else. I said, “There are parties,” not a party, that do not seek to implement the Riyadh Agreement, and I cannot specify, but the Yemenis have the acumen and intelligence that makes them know who those parties are.

  • What is the prospect of the solution to the Yemeni crisis at the present time?

Unfortunately, I am speaking with pain and sadness over the situation in Yemen, and I say - until this moment - we do not find a horizon or light at the end of the tunnel, and who bears this situation and the responsibility for this frustration - even with the UN envoy and international and regional powers - is the Houthi party who wants to act As if the only party or the victor in this war.

Nevertheless, we hope that Yemenis will overcome this great ordeal with the cooperation of their Arab brothers and the international community.