In Washington, too, there was a debate last week about whether the sanctions against Russia weren't too weak in view of Vladimir Putin's attack on Ukraine.

Actually, this had already started before the war began: the hawks among the opposition Republicans had called for punitive measures to act as a deterrent early on.

And even now, after the third round of sanctions, this debate is not over.

However, President Joe Biden, who had already blurted out weeks ago how difficult it was to find a common position with European allies, was prepared when the crisis turned to war.

Majid Sattar

Political correspondent for North America based in Washington.

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In the White House, a team coordinated by the National Security Council had drawn up a strategy paper that included moves for different scenarios.

The intelligence services had predicted Putin's actions, and the unit, led by national security adviser Jake Sullivan, was able to draw on the work of the past few weeks.

When it became clear that Putin would not content himself with recognizing the self-proclaimed republics of Donetsk and Luhansk, but would start a full-scale war, they were ready for action.

The drama of the events was then used to increase the pressure on European partners to use almost the entire range of sanctions instruments.

Standard of living will fall

The “beginning of the invasion,” as Biden put it, was followed by a first tranche.

Biden followed suit on Thursday: He now imposed “strong sanctions”, which would result in high costs for the Russian economy – immediately and in the longer term.

Of course, the exclusion of Russia from the banking communication network Swift was still missing.

It remains an option, Biden said, but right now it's not the position the rest of Europe wants to take.

The situation changed on Saturday: it was now decided to exclude selected Russian financial institutions from the Swift system.

The possibilities of the Russian central bank to support the exchange rate of the ruble with international financial transactions were also further restricted.

Biden already pointed out on Thursday that the effects of the sanctions were visible: the ruble was at its lowest level and the Moscow stock exchange had crashed.

Daleep Singh, Sullivan's deputy, added the sanctions would result in higher inflation, lower purchasing power and lower living standards.

Government officials then added on Saturday that the new sanctions would limit Moscow's ability to curb inflation.

Though not outspoken, the government hopes this will fuel anti-Putin protests at home.

The weighing up of sanctions is not only about limiting the economic consequences for the West - especially for the energy sector.

The core question is: What is the goal of the sanctions?

Putin's concession?

Or more?

Chancellor Olaf Scholz, for example, said the aim was to make it clear to the Russian leadership that they were paying a bitter price for this aggression.

Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock said on Sunday that the sanctions must “hit the heart of the Putin system”.

Biden remains publicly vague, referring to “high costs” as his people hint at what they hope the ruble will be in free fall.

Memories of 2014

In Congress, Democrats and Republicans become more explicit.

Both factions say they want to paralyze the Russian economy with the sanctions.

Lindsey Graham, the Republican Senator from South Carolina, goes the furthest: "We are not at war with the Russian people," he said on Saturday.

But as long as Putin is their leader, the Russians have no place in the international community.

"They won't be able to achieve their dreams but will live in poverty and misery." Then: "You have to get rid of this guy."

As early as 2014, after the Russian intervention in eastern Ukraine, there was a behind-the-scenes dispute in the West about the goal of the sanctions, which were rather weak at the time.

In the Foreign Office in Berlin, headed by Frank-Walter Steinmeier, for example, the great concern was voiced behind closed doors that the "hawks" in the American Senate wanted to get the Obama administration to put together a sanctions package that would ultimately "beat" Russia.

Berlin itself, on the other hand, only wanted to raise the price of Putin's aggression at the time.

Demands to destroy the Russian economy were ultimately equated with the goal of regime change.

Of course, no one in the government is talking about that today.

But the boundaries are fluid: anyone hoping for protests on the streets from the collapse of the ruble is not miles away from Graham's call on the Russian people to get rid of the "guy".

Graham now said on the third round of sanctions against Russia: he wanted to work with Biden.

He also recognized that Germany was ready to change course.

However, he believes that "swift-light" sanctions, which spare the oil and gas sector, are not enough.

The energy sector is Russia's Achilles heel.

If you took away his oil and gas revenues and increased American production accordingly, the situation would change immediately.

Graham, although a supporter of Donald Trump, represents foreign policy for the hawks who are still important in Congress.

Trump, whose supporters tend towards isolationism, had described Putin as a genius last week.

At the weekend he qualified his statement: The problem is not that Putin is smart, which is certainly the case.

The real problem is that "our leaders" in the West are stupid.

Merely threatening sanctions is weak in the face of this attack on humanity.