Many saw him as a child prodigy of European politics, a natural political talent.

But now Sebastian Kurz has resigned from the post of Austrian Chancellor in the dim light of the advertising affair under pressure from his coalition partner, the Greens.

Klaus-Dieter Frankenberger

Editor in politics.

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The allegations, which are also directed against him personally, weigh heavily and can be summed up in one point: Corruption at the center of Austrian politics. Cheap coverage had been bought against placing government advertisements in a tabloid; embellished surveys are said to have been placed there. Everything served one purpose, the rise of Kurz to the top of the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) and to power.  

It is the second time that Kurz had to resign; the first time, that was in May 2019, was related to the Ibiza affair. That should be unique: just 35 years old and already the second resignation as head of government of a European country. But Sebastian Kurz's career is unique anyway. Of course, age plays a role: at 24 he was State Secretary for Integration, at 27 Foreign Minister - he held the office for four years. Then at the age of 31 for the first time Federal Chancellor, in a coalition with the right-wing FPÖ.

At the beginning of January 2020 then again Chancellor, this time as head of the connection between the turquoise ÖVP and the Greens. And now the (partial) retreat to the offices of party and parliamentary group chairman of the ÖVP, whose presidentialization Kurz promoted. Was there a “System Kurz” to which a small, sworn community of loyal followers should belong? Let us ask the former Foreign Minister Plassnik: "Does the resignation of the main protagonist also mean the end of the 'System Kurz'", Ursula Plassnik?

Plassnik, who held the post of two Federal Chancellors from 2004 to 2008, which Kurz made known at least across Europe, replied: “Kurz has to go” has been part of an “oppositional and at least partly also media emotional excitement for some time. Or cold-blooded strategy, I can only speculate about it. ”And then she compares the rise of Kurz 'with the Macrons in France, which local party researchers do: While Macron in France with“ La République en Marche ”a new middle movement next to the Having put rubble from the old parties, Kurz proceeded differently: "He made a management buyot from the inside of the venerable, but exhausted ÖVP, complete with extensive powers, a new turquoise paint scheme and an election turbo."

Obviously, this worked in several directions: "Those who win elections silence critics, even the governors and heads of alliances, who are so important in terms of real politics in Austria." Briefly, however, the center of the country also rebalanced thematically. As? By approaching the issues of migration and integration “briskly from the right corner. Even the Danish Social Democrats are now doing that. "

To speak of a “House of Kurz”, as it is done here and there, alluding to a power-hungry, unscrupulous presidential couple in the White House, is “Hollywood-like nonsense,” says Plassnik.

“Power was never a beauty contest among monastery students.

You can't be squeamish in this biotope. ”But she adds to this realism of power:“ Neither do voters accept cynicism, isolation and infatilistic behavior at the top of the state. ”That is clear.

Keywords: sebastian kurz, ursula plassnik?plassnik, end, system kurz, frankenberger, chancellor, politics, state, prodigy, child prodigy, advertising affair, post, governors, time, light