In the end, the numbers are more powerful than any plan.
After almost three years of electoral reluctance, Angela Merkel speaks on Monday evening at the CDU's “digital event” in the party headquarters.
In front of her is Armin Laschet, the Union's candidate for chancellor.
Anyone who can lead a large state like North Rhine-Westphalia can also rule the Federal Republic of Germany.
Merkel praises Laschet.
The next day she even used the Bundestag as a stage.
Eckart Lohse
Head of the parliamentary editorial office in Berlin.
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How did you wish for more commitment from the popular party friend in the party leadership!
At the start of the Union's election campaign on August 21, Merkel had defended her reluctance to interfere in the affairs of the party and to settle their succession.
She had only subtly praised Laschet.
But then, when the polls for the Union approached the 20 percent mark coming from above and the social democratic candidate for Chancellor Olaf Scholz made more and more clear claims to be Merkel's natural heir, she intervened.
First it was against Scholz, then the missions for Laschet followed.
Merkel is deeply connected to her party, it is said by those who can judge that.
In the parliamentary group, in the government: relief is palpable everywhere these days.
Don't leave a mess
With her withdrawal from politics, Angela Merkel is not only leaving behind the country she ruled. She also leaves her party behind. The Chancellor has always seen the CDU as her power base. Since Merkel announced her withdrawal in autumn 2018, and the closer the Bundestag elections got closer, there has been discussion in the Union as to whether, after Merkel, the CDU will still function as a fighting machine for conquering the most important political office in the state. And whether Merkel has done enough for it.
There are three stories about this. The first comes from among those who favor Merkel. The Chancellor has always been guided by the idea of not leaving any chaos at the end of her term of office. If the CDU loses the election, something like chaos would presumably threaten at least in the Union. If there were even a government with an SPD chancellor with the participation of the Left Party, that would be particularly bitter as the legacy of Merkel, who grew up in the GDR. In addition, the first story goes on, Merkel would like the Chancellery to remain in the hands of the CDU. She would have been happy - so the account - to have a woman as Chancellor. But that is not a guideline for action.
The second story is told by Merkel's critics within the CDU.
Merkel does not want anyone from the Union to be her successor.
This could also explain the reluctant public support of her party before the election.
Merkel had already announced restraint in October 2018, together with her withdrawal.
The third story also comes from the Union, but not from the CDU.
The fact that Merkel Laschet supports so little offensively is not because she does not want a Union victory in the federal election.
But she doesn't want to be among the losers either.
In the worst case, that would be Laschet.
This view is supported by the fact that Merkel was apparently “huge” when Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer became CDU chairwoman at the end of 2018, but never forged a succession plan with her, never committed to her and finally let her fall cold as Kramp-Karrenbauer In Merkel's eyes, it turned out to be unsuitable for the Chancellery.
Don't let it go down into the depths?
Armin Laschet has not yet dropped it. But the Chancellor swam far enough away from him. In order not to be dragged into the depths in the worst case, in the vortex of an election defeat? At least for Laschet, this was probably the last Sunday in March when Merkel criticized the North Rhine-Westphalian Prime Minister for his Corona policy in front of an audience of millions on the program "Anne Will". Anyone who saw him in the following days clearly felt how it hit him. He seemed to know that he would have to walk the last few meters to the summit alone.