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Mexico celebrates this Sunday

superlative elections that will define the governance that

Andrés Manuel López Obrador

(AMLO) will have in the second half of his six-year term. It is an unprecedented appointment: federal and local offices had never been renewed, nor had so many voters been summoned to the polls in the same day, nor had so many aggressions been registered in the campaign and, even less, had elections been held in all the country in a pandemic context. The political battle is played on multiple fronts,

but the media attention will be focused on the Chamber of Deputies

, where the ruling party, Morena, aspires to renew the absolute majority that allows its moral leader to complete his particular revolution.

This Sunday 93 and a half million voters have in their votes the future of 20,500 public offices at all levels.

Of the 32 states that the country has, 15 governors and 30 assemblies are renewed

, as well as 1,923 city councils and 500 legislators from the Lower House.

The color of the political map could change completely in 24 hours and the contenders have not been able to hide their nervousness.

As the date approached, the tone and relevance of the elections have been gaining in intensity and relevance

.

The electoral campaign has lasted more than eight months and has been marked by López Obrador's belligerent attitude towards the opposition, the critical media and the election regulatory bodies, and also, as has become customary, by the endemic violence he suffers. the country.

According to the political consultancy Etellekt, among threats, insults, kidnappings or robberies,

782 attacks have been reported during the campaign

, an absolute record in the historical series. 89 political leaders have also been assassinated, mostly opposition candidates from rural and municipal areas. Some of them - such as María Rosa Barragán or Abel Murrieta -

were

riddled with bullets while taking part in campaign events

. Most of the political actors have unanimously condemned this type of attack, but AMLO considers that the media are exaggerating "in an effort to thin the atmosphere. Before they called it sensationalism, now it is sensationalism."

The pulse that López Obrador has played with the National Electoral Institute (INE) has been another of the issues that has marked the agenda. After the electoral regulatory body knocked down the candidacies of two candidates for governor for Morena - for not submitting campaign spending reports - and also ordered the

stop broadcasting of the president's daily lectures in full

- for containing "large doses of government propaganda" - López Obrador declared war on them: "it is the most expensive electoral body in the world and the last straw is that it is not to enforce democracy, it is so that there is no democracy."

In an interview with EL MUNDO, the president of the INE, Lorenzo Córdova,

acknowledges that the polarization that the country is going through "is not new"

but that, on this occasion, "it is acquiring really worrying tones, we have heard absolutely unthinkable phrases, such as that the INE should be exterminated (...) these accusations had not been seen to come from a particular government and much less in those tones. We trust that they are isolated issues

and not part of a strategy of general disqualification of the results

. "

The governing body of the elections has been detached from the tutelage of the government in office since 1996. Since then, they have monitored - under the initials IFE, first, and INE, later - four presidential elections in which three different political formations have won. . According to Córdova, this circumstance validates the true independence of the organism and, therefore,

trusts that López Obrador will not carry his threats to the last consequences

: "I trust that they will not be the last elections that we organize. And if they were, then he will want to to say that the democratic system in Mexico has had a downturn, but nobody wants that, so we are going to defend the electoral system that we have given ourselves. "

The hegemonic figure of López Obrador and the overwhelming social support that the polls still guarantee - with 59% approval - have pushed the opposition parties to group together in unprecedented electoral coalitions.

Under the signs 'Va por México', the historic PRI, PAN and PRD aspire to conquer the government of several states

and, especially, to try to wrest the qualified majority in the Chamber of Deputies from the president and his allies, thus allowing to raise a Political counterweight to the sweeping 'Fourth Transformation' that the 'messiah' of the Mexican left has promised to impose.

According to the criteria of The Trust Project

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