With the recent events in Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa and the widespread assaults carried out by the Israeli occupation police, its security forces, and Jewish gangs (yes, gangs);

Media interest in the 48 Palestinians began to increase, namely the Palestinians who remained in their lands and villages with the Nakba of Palestine in 48 and the displacement of most of the Palestinian people, leaving about 155 thousand Palestinians inside the Green Line, and today they have become about 17% of the population of the entity that settled on their land called "Israel." ".

The years of the eighties were characterized by a state of political and organizational structure for the Palestinians inside the country and an attempt to work to get out of their marginalized reality and build the frameworks and entities of society with the existence of differences related to the ideological diversity in the Arab and Islamic world

The Israeli authorities dealt with suspicion with the Palestinians at home, adopting hostile policies that began to impose military rule on them and carry out massacres against them, as happened in the Kafr Qasim massacre in 1956, confiscating their lands, and arresting everyone who speaks on the behalf of the Palestinian owner of the land and seeks to establish his right to it.

The period of apprehension about this entity and its policies marred the relationship of the Palestinians at home with the Israeli authorities, with the entire Palestinian people being cut off from the Arab and Islamic world, and they are the ones who form the primary identity incubator for these people, to change the situation with the setback in the year 1967 and the occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, the Golan, and Sinai, and to make this reality The new Palestinian 48 were exposed to their Palestinian, Arab and Islamic depths, and awareness increased and this affiliation was rooted, while the official policy continued with a security approach with the Palestinians inside, but without direct military rule with the continuation of the policy of confiscation of lands, so that the Land Day is another 76 days in which the confrontation of Israeli policies is evident.

The years of the eighties were characterized by a state of political and organizational construction for the Palestinians inside the country and an attempt to work to get out of their marginalized reality and build the frameworks and entities of society with the existence of differences related to the ideological diversity in the Arab and Islamic world, which was reflected on the Palestinians at home. The political construction and vision were also linked to the Palestinian extension, but he was aware of the nature of the Palestinian presence at home under the Israeli authority and within the concept of citizenship (which is a citizenship that is not a democracy but an ethnic one), not in its deep conceptual sense. Rather, in the narrow procedural sense associated with their possession of the Israeli identity card and their compliance with the Israeli law, any disobedience to it is represented by an iron hand and harassment that could lead to a new displacement.

While the 1990s were characterized by a state of frustration and self-isolation with the Oslo agreement and the restriction of the Palestinian issue to the political situation of the West Bank and Gaza, the Palestinian feeling 48 that they were left to their fate within their presence under the Israeli establishment. With this reality, some began to move more broadly within their immersion under Israeli citizenship, with challenging questions being asked, but within an "internal" discussion with society and the institution in Israel, based on the issue of the Palestinians at home. This was accompanied by the escalation of the perception of the need to build a community internally for some and reposition themselves within the Palestinian cause, so it was a systematic role to work in Al-Aqsa and Jerusalem, to redraw the centrality of Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa in the Palestinian, Arab and Islamic collective consciousness by these Palestinians at home with their fellow Jerusalemites, and this is counted. To the Palestinians of the interior.This was evident with the Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000, with the effective participation of Palestinians inside it, and the martyrdom of 13 young men inside the Palestinian territories, and their connection and reconstruction in Al-Aqsa, and their participation in the entire Palestinian struggle against occupation policies.

Likewise, the internal Palestinian re-positioning of themselves emerged through the events of the Arab Spring and their interaction with them, and their holding of hopes for a change in the situation of the Arab world within a state of belonging to this circle, and the hope that the desired change in the Arab world would withdraw from the reality of the Palestinian cause.All this coincided with the increase in their work in Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa and the building of some of their institutions, so that the state of Arab slackness, normalization, and the reality of the Israeli establishment, the marginalization of the Palestinian cause by internal and external factors, and the increase in the relationship of the Palestinians at home with the Israeli society due to objective and natural conditions related to the labor market and the development of the natural society and the need of its children for work and services His learning increased, and all of this was accompanied by an attempt to work on a policy of containing and integrating the Palestinians at home at the individual level, but within an Israeli vision that disavowed the Palestinian issue, and at the same time it remained within a Zionist security and settlement mentality that could not give anything to the Arab. Arab villages and cities, preventing urban expansion in them, demolishing homes, leaving the conditions of Arab villages and cities miserable, lacking services and resources, and at the same time the occupation worked to punish Palestinian political currents, such as putting the Islamic movement - led by Sheikh Raed Salah - outside Israeli lawAnd the pursuit of the voices of the Palestinians at home who cling to their identity and affiliation and restrict them.

Let us reach the reality of recent years, during which some voices have begun to emerge that see the necessity of "effective integration" in Israeli politics and "citizenship" within what is established on it, and with an emphasis on service matters related to improving the conditions of Palestinians' lives at home and their livelihood, which are disconnected from rhetoric (and sometimes) Practicing with their Palestinian identity, and of course, these votes were limited to some, but it increased in the last elections.

Let the recent events come and put things back in their true context, that the Palestinians inside the country are an integral and integral part of the Palestinian cause, and that the policies of intimidation will not affect them or the majority of them, and that they will be three messages sent by the Palestinians inside the country to more than one party; First of all, the Palestinian leaderships that they - that is, the Palestinians at home - should be considered in building the Palestinian vision and program of action, and be part of the Palestinian decision-making, taking into account their privacy. Secondly, a message to the Arab and Islamic world to adopt their cause, reveal them, and realize that they are an integral part of this nation, but rather they are a central protector of the Palestinian identity and heritage in its land and sanctities.And thirdly, a message to the Israeli society that the Palestinians of the interior and with their possession of an Israeli identity card, they remain linked to their identity and affiliation, and that any dealings with the Palestinians inside the country must be linked to a comprehensive solution to the Palestinian issue, and attempts to tame and manage the conflict with them will not be of any benefit as long as the origin of the conflict is not resolved.