At first glance, it may seem that the crisis in Tunisia is the head of state’s struggle with the prime minister and his parliamentary belt over ministerial names and positions, but the crisis is, in fact, a crisis of conflict over the form of the political system in Tunisia or the form of the future regime.

(1) The right-wing ministerial crisis

Parliament came in 2019 as a suspended council in the political sense, as no party in it has the sufficient majority to form and support a government, for any government needs 109 votes to secure the ability to form a government, which was not achieved by any party, as Ennahda (the largest party in parliament) got 52 A seat leaving parliament suspended from a political and legal standpoint.

The absence of the Constitutional Court, which the constitution stipulated to establish, and the disagreement of the political parties regarding the approval of the law on the Constitutional Court, left the hand of the Mechanically tied in the face of Said's refusal to take the constitutional oath of ministers

He found the elected president of the revolutionary trend, in the fall of the same year, who was described as the next president, out of political nullity, which the masses had brought in as a reaction to the inability of political parties to achieve any improvement in the lives of people in the previous session.

The inability of political parties to form a government coalition among themselves, President Qais Saeed found him a favorable opportunity to empty parliament of its role and power, and gather the executive powers of the presidency and the government in his own hands by choosing a prime minister under the name of the president's government, which he succeeded for the first time.

However, the government of Fakhfakh fell quickly after less than 6 months under semi-corruption, so the Presbyterian president tasked the formation of the second government of the President.

However, the latter quickly turned around in his alliances within parliament, re-allying with the Ennahda and Heart of Tunisia parties, and the Dignity Alliance.

The current Tunisian president’s obtaining 72% of the vote in the presidential elections prompted the president to think about switching from the parliamentary system to the presidential system, especially with the negative results of the current suspended parliament.

Al-Mushashi was able to quickly weave his new alliance to dismiss a group of ministers affiliated with the president and who represent him in the cabinet. He also conducted an expanded ministerial reshuffle that included 11 ministerial portfolios out of 25 ministers, without consulting with the president, relying on passing this amendment through the parliamentary alliance with 5 parties, most notably the Islamic Ennahda Party, the secular "Heart of Tunisia" and the "Dignity Gathering".

The President refused to receive the 11 new ministers, under the pretext that there were no women in the cabinet formation, and there were suspicions of corruption on 4 of the new ministers, and not to consult with the President about the form of the government and its amendments.

But some believe that President Saeed's position on the cabinet reshuffle came as a reaction to the dismissal of the Mechanically 5 ministers affiliated with the President, and before them the dismissal of the Mechanically 3 ministers were also affiliated with the President, as a message from the President of the Presidency to Said: Yes, the government is the government of the president, but it is not affiliated with the president and his influence.

The president's refusal of the ministerial amendment to make the crisis deepen with the Mechanically-appointed government and its parliamentary belt within the parliament, prompting the prime minister to refer the matter to the Administrative Court, which declared its lack of jurisdiction and that the matter is within the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court.

The absence of the Constitutional Court, which the constitution stipulated to establish, and the disagreement of the political parties to approve the law on the Constitutional Court, made the Meshchy hand tied in the face of Said's refusal to take the ministers to the constitutional oath, which prompted the prime minister to choose to go to a mini-government with 16 ministers, and to assign the ministers who were from They are supposed to be part of the ministerial team by undertaking consultancy work for these ministries.

(2) Pressure to switch to the presidential system

In the 2014 constitution, the powers were divided into 3 sections: the president of the state who has some executive powers with regard to defense, foreign relations and some honorary powers, the head of government who has all the executive powers and the management of the country's affairs, and the parliament that has oversight and legislation, and it has been stipulated that the Constitutional Court be established for separation. In interpreting constitutional texts and deciding on the approval of laws to be enacted for constitutional texts.

The current president’s obtaining 72% of the votes cast in the presidential elections prompted him to think about switching from the parliamentary system to the presidential system, especially with the negative secretions of the current suspended parliament.

The president did not come from a previous political or partisan background, and he does not have any presence in the parliament that would enable him to make any amendments to the constitution, so he wanted to gather the executive powers and focus all the powers in the hands of the presidency indirectly by taking advantage of the different parties within the parliament and the presence of a suspended parliament and going for an option. President's government.

Ennahda and the other parties are haunted by the fear of turning into the presidential system and concentrating the powers in the hands of a single person, as the president could be the weakest link that would be broken by the followers of counter-revolutions who are lying in wait for the Tunisian revolution and its project.

Some believe that the president deliberately used some other methods that could weaken the legislative institution in order to strengthen the powers and powers of the president, after trying to make the government subordinate to him through what was known as the president’s government.

The story of the president’s assassination through the envelope that contains suspicious materials, and which the Public Prosecution revealed that there are no suspicious, toxic or explosive materials, which observers interpret as a desire by the presidency to try to woo the people in order to stand with him to press to change the form of government to the presidential system.

In the same context, the president went to Habib Bourguiba Street among the angry youths, and they started chanting for the president against Parliament and demanding that he dissolve Parliament and transform the political system.

In all of these events, a heavy media advocacy was monitored by the media countering the Arab Spring revolutions, biased towards the president in his struggle with the government and parliament, and media coverage is provided to him in the face of the government and parliament, which raises the concerns of observers of the Tunisian scene from trying to enter the arms of the counter-revolutions by tampering with the form of the system. The politician after he was unable to hijack the Jasmine Revolution in 2013.

(3) In confronting the president's orientations

The response came quickly to the president’s approach from the Ennahda movement (the largest party in parliament) through its Secretary General and Speaker of the People’s Assembly Sheikh Rashid Ghannouchi that Tunisia must go to the complete parliamentary system and end the intermingling between the presidential and parliamentary system to overcome any problems that may occur as a result of mixing these two systems. .

Ennahda and the other parties are haunted by the fear of turning into the presidential system and concentrating the powers in the hands of a single person, as the president could be the weakest link that would be broken by the followers of counter-revolutions who are lying in wait for the Tunisian revolution and its project.

The Ennahda movement, the Heart of Tunisia party and the Dignity Coalition have warned of the danger that all powers will be concentrated in the hands of one sovereign authority in the future, and that the danger of this situation lies in the possibility of the re-birth of the despotic state that Tunisia lived from the date of its independence until the Jasmine Revolution and the overthrow of Ben Ali's rule.

The opponents of the Islamic Ennahda and the secular "Heart of Tunisia" party agreed with the "Dignity" coalition quickly, in alliance with the prime minister to redistribute ministerial positions, build a balance between state institutions, restore the powers of the president to the size that the constitution granted him by removing all ministers affiliated with President Said and ending the president's attempt to monopolize In all the executive institutions in the country.

The Ennahda movement rejects more powers for the president of the country, and believes that it is better for the stability of the political system to go to deepen the state of parliamentary governance and reduce the powers of the president to be symbolic honorary powers, and to switch to a complete parliamentary system so that there remains a complete balance between the authorities, despite the unconfirmed leaks about Sheikh Ghannouchi's intention Run for the next presidential election.

The Ennahda Party and the other parties are haunted by the fear of the transformation of the presidential system and the concentration of powers in the hands of a single person, as the president could be the weakest link that the followers of the counter-revolutions who lie in wait for the revolution and its project will break, as the revolutionary parties are afraid to support counter-revolutions to the presidential system so that the supporters of counter-revolutions can break. From the ease of attacking him and toppling him in the future, and killing the revolution.

While the Ennahda movement stated that it is able to mobilize the people to support the parliament, it is aware of the risk of invoking the language of the street, the mobilization and the counter-mobilization.

At a time when the president is trying to work for pressure to shift from a parliamentary system to a fully presidential one, the parliamentary alliance and the governmental parliamentary belt are trying to complete a package of legislative reforms that can solve the existing crisis and make political life more stable, which contributes to devotion to the development of the daily life of the people, This is among the features of reforming the parliamentary system and purifying it from the negative secretions that surfaced in the recent elections.

These reforms are:

Adopting the Constitutional Court’s law, speeding up its implementation and activating it, to be the reference for settling any dispute that arises between the political authorities regarding the interpretation of the constitution’s texts and their appeal to them.

Amending the electoral law for the Legislative Council, by setting the electoral threshold at 5% in order to prevent small parties from reaching the parliament, which contributes to ending the suspended parliament, so that a parliament capable of creating parliamentary governments far from the president’s government or the president’s options in choosing the prime minister or weak coalition governments And scattered.

Amending the internal system of the House of Representatives to ensure the smooth running of work within the corridors of the House of Representatives, and protect that institution from tampering and disrupting its work, as did some parliamentary figures who are affiliated with the old political system.

The president realizes that he cannot dissolve the parliament, and there is nothing in the constitution that gives him that power, just as the parliament and the parliamentary belt know that he cannot remove the president, and that even if they possess two-thirds of the votes (145 votes) within parliament to remove the president, it is currently impossible due to the absence of the constitutional court, which must Presenting the Legislative Council’s decision to remove the president.

The current situation means that Tunisia has been caught in a constitutional crisis that forces everyone to choose to sit at the negotiating table, and to offer more concessions, approaches and dialogues that could be the only way out of the crisis away from the crowd and the counter-mobilization, and the seriousness of invoking the street in reformulating the form of the political system.

The sliding of everyone towards escalation will be the first seed of the annihilation of the Jasmine Revolution, and all the forces of the revolution will realize with hindsight that they have all been dragged into the square of thwarting the revolution, and it has become the supreme word in Tunisia for counter-revolutions and their domestic arms and external interventions.