In an article published by the British newspaper The Guardian
A "road map" to overcome the Saudi-Iranian differences
The US aircraft carrier "Nitmus" was in the waters of the Arabian Gulf before US President Joe Biden withdrew it, indicating a calm situation in the region.
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Remnants of missiles used by the Iranian-backed Houthis to attack Aramco's oil facilities.
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In May 2019, we (a Saudi who heads the Gulf Research Center and a former Iranian diplomat) invited the leaders of our two countries to conduct a dialogue between them, and warned us that anything otherwise would increase tensions that could turn into a catastrophic confrontation.
Since then, we have witnessed a series of attacks on Saudi and Iranian oil tankers in international waters, a major strike on Saudi Aramco oil facilities in Abqaiq and Khurais, and another friction between Iran and the United States following the killing of General Qassem Soleimani by an American drone;
Then, late last year, saw the killing of a prominent nuclear scientist in Iran.
While it seems that nerves have calmed down since then, we are still at the mercy of any miscalculation that may make the cold war between our two countries turn hot, which could lead to dire consequences for the entire region.
With the arrival of a new administration in Washington, it is time to move from confrontation to dialogue.
During the past four decades, relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have fluctuated between confrontation and competition, and even cooperation.
Today, we find ourselves at the bottom of the cycle of conflict.
However, we share the feeling that while our governments disagree on a host of regional issues, there is nothing inevitable about this hostility, nor is it doomed to always be this way.
The first step
The first step towards an acceptable interim settlement will be for each side to realize the threats posed to it by the other side - whether real or imagined - and then adopt a set of basic principles that can be built upon.
Both Iran and Saudi Arabia see the other keen to dominate the region.
Riyadh views Iran as intent on besieging the kingdom with its allies who are not international entities.
Tehran sees Riyadh as the main mediator in the United States' efforts to contain and undermine the Islamic Republic.
Riyadh considers Iran's arsenal of ballistic missiles as a threat to its national security, especially its vital infrastructure.
Tehran considers that the kingdom's purchase of large quantities of advanced Western weapons undermines the conventional arms parity system in the region.
Riyadh accuses Iran of interfering in the internal affairs of sovereign countries such as Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, Bahrain and Iraq.
Tehran believes that Saudi Arabia is doing the same in these countries.
The basics
To break this vicious circle and move beyond the blame game, our leaders need to engage in direct discussions that are guided by the following essentials:
• Managing relationships on the basis of mutual respect, in accordance with common interests and on an equal footing.
• Preserving the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence, and observing and respecting the inviolability of the international borders of all countries in the region.
• Non-interference in the internal affairs of countries.
• Rejection of the threat to use force, and commitment to the peaceful settlement of all disputes.
• Respect the Vienna Convention for diplomatic relations, especially the inviolability of diplomatic facilities.
• Strengthening Islamic solidarity and avoiding conflict, violence, extremism and sectarian tension.
Full cooperation in counter-terrorism measures.
Rejection of any country seeking to dominate the region.
• Ensuring the freedom of navigation and the free flow of oil and other resources to and from the region, and protecting vital infrastructure.
Banning the development or purchase of all forms of weapons of mass destruction.
The starting point
Guiding principles that both sides accept are an important starting point, but confidence-building measures are needed after decades of hostility and mistrust.
The diplomatic aspect requires dialogue, while direct discussions require a roadmap that includes a set of mutual confidence-building measures, and seeks a clear vision for a regional security arrangement acceptable to both parties.
The United Nations can play an important role in leading or supporting this regional dialogue process.
This may seem like an impossible task for two governments that seem to be still stuck in an escalating cycle.
However, it is important to realize that both countries have succeeded in maintaining quiet channels of cooperation and dialogue all the time.
Even amid escalating tensions, Iran and Saudi Arabia have entered into a fruitful dialogue about facilitating the participation of Iranians in the Hajj rituals.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Iran have already taken measures that contradict the idea of an inevitable conflict with a "nothing" outcome for both sides. Our two countries can build on this positivity and embrace principled cooperation to reduce tensions in our troubled region, at a time when a spark may ignite the entire region.
President Joe Biden's administration represents an opportunity for a fresh start.
But time is of the essence, as any postponement of de-escalation may be a grave mistake, as the region has repeatedly witnessed rare occasions in which opportunities for constructive dialogue mean, which must be seized quickly before they fade away.
• During the past four decades, relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Iran have fluctuated between confrontation and competition, and even cooperation as well. Today, we find ourselves at the bottom of the cycle of conflict.
• The first step towards an acceptable interim settlement will be for each side to realize the threats posed to it by the other side - whether real or imagined - and then adopt a set of basic principles that can be built upon.
Abdulaziz Saqr is the President and Founder of the Gulf Research Center.
Hossein Mousavian, a former senior Iranian diplomat, specializes in Middle East security and nuclear affairs at Princeton University.
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