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  • IÑAKI ELLAKURÍA

    @iellakuria

Friday, 1 January 2021 - 22:13

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  • Government.

    Pablo Iglesias demands that Pedro Sánchez not lose power after the Budgets

  • State accounts.

    Bildu and ERC warn Pedro Sánchez that their price is a "historic solution" for the Basque Country and Catalonia

The original lie on which a government that shows a tense relationship with truth and transparency is based is revealed by the confession of a fugitive from justice, Carles Puigdemont.

In the initial volume of his memoirs, in which he recounts the details of his arrival in the Generalitat, the preparation and celebration of the illegal referendum on October 1 and his subsequent flight to

Belgium

, the independence leader reveals how Pedro Sánchez confessed to him in August of 2017 that the possibility of forming a government alliance with Podemos was "very advanced" and that it considered the Executive of Mariano Rajoy "finished".

Although, the motion of censure had to wait a while as it was not "mature yet."

This explanation of the former president of the Generalitat, never disallowed or nuanced by the Government, is an amendment to the abundant Sanchista narrative that presents that parliamentary action as a spontaneous conjunction of indignations over the corruption of the PP, which would have taken shape in two afternoons and four calls after the

Gürtel

ruling was published

.

A whole display of propagandist rhetoric to overshadow what the verb and the word of the Government itself confirm on a daily basis: the alliance of the PSOE with Podemos and the panoply of nationalist parties in Congress is a strategic bet of depth, which has the will to continue, and whose genesis comes from afar.

Specifically, the failure in 2016 of the Government agreement between Sánchez and the president of Ciudadanos, Albert Rivera.

The one baptized as

the Embrace Pact

with which the leader of the PSOE tried to form the first government coalition since the restoration of democracy, but which remained, given the refusal of Podemos to facilitate the investiture, in the failed aspiration of two ambitious young people.

It was in the bitterness of that setback, when Sánchez reaches the intimate conviction that without the support of Pablo Iglesias and the nationalists he would never set foot in

Moncloa

.

It is that belief, after recovering the

General Secretariat

of the party and cleaning Ferraz with a knife, which leads the leader who had walked through Europe as the new face of the temperate social democracy to move the PSOE towards extreme left coordinates and to court nationalism Basque and Catalan.

In the second and final attempt to form a

Frankenstein Government

of whose dangers for Spanish democracy, Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba alerted, with time and arguments.

A government formula that, as Sánchez believed, opens the presidential doors for him in 2020 at the cost of stressing the political debate and society to unsuspected extremes, transforming the legislature into a struggle between the "progressive good" and the perfidious "ultra-right". and that the pandemic year that we left behind has only made us consolidate in power.

In the Catalan scenario, the PSC lends itself to reissuing with ERC the tripartite

The sudden viral scourge, once the 8-M feminist demonstration was held, with the desired stamp of unity between PSOE and Podemos, and when the Government finally stopped presenting the coronavirus as "a strong flu", allows Sánchez the opportunity to depart from the populism of Iglesias and offer the PP and Cs a great State pact.

In tune with the prominent voices from

Brussels

, the Spanish business world and even former president Felipe González - "the people want certainties in the face of uncertainty" - who demand a scenario of consensus, moderation and institutional stability.

Pedro Sánchez receives Gabriel Rufián at Moncloa.

NAVARRETEPOOL

Sánchez, however, takes the opposite direction, delving into the more radical agenda of the heterogeneous

Frankenstein coalition

.

Taking advantage of the

shock

situation

in which Spanish society finds itself due to the pandemic, to isolate the opposition in an updated

Tinell Pact

- "the right is not going to rule Spain again in years," Iglesias warns them.

Passing controversial laws such as Education and Euthanasia with little dialogue, reinforcing its complicities with Catalan and Basque nationalism (eliminating Spanish at school, bringing ETA prisoners together ...), and also initiating a campaign of harassment and submission to all those institutions, such as the monarchy, the Judiciary, the Church and the critical media, which he sees as obstacles to the aspiration of the "new Spain", republican and of a confederal court.

It is the beginning of a constituent process, as admitted by the Minister of Justice, Juan Carlos Campo, in which Sánchez decides to incorporate ERC and Bildu into state governance, two parties that Iglesias has long considered strategic allies to overthrow the « regime of 78 ", as a declaration of intentions and a guarantee of permanence in Moncloa.

But that also forces Sánchez to assignments and concessions.

The socialists Lastra and Simancas, together with the Bildu.EFE spokesperson

In this way and as a payment for his support in Congress, he formalizes the whitewashing of ETA's political heirs and promotes, with the project for a new Basque statute in the background, Arnaldo Otegi as an alternative to the PNV in the sovereign sphere, creating the bases for a future coalition of leftist and

nationalist

who disputes the power of the conservative bourgeoisie and nationalist.

While on the Catalan stage, the Socialists lend themselves to reissue the tripartite with ERC, hence the replacement of Miquel Iceta by Salvador Illa as PSC candidate, and that the Republicans, by capitalizing on pardons, the table of "bilateral dialogue »And a possible referendum, reach the old desire to replace the (post) convergent as hegemonic party.

Sánchez's commitment to ERC as the anchor of

the Frankenstein Government

forgets the historic turbulent condition of the Republican party, as the PSC suffered in tripartite governments.

"It may be a good short-term agreement for Sánchez, but if ERC does not do well on

F-14, it

will return to its insurrectionary speech," warns

Joan Ferran

, former spokesman for the Socialists in Parliament during the tripartite.

The political analyst

Kepa Aulestia

also glimpses tensions in the government coalition

, who believes that once Sánchez has obtained the State Budget, he can explore a new dynamic of pacts, since "the pendulum of the PSOE" cannot heck much further to the left .

Jordi Casas

, a former

CiU

deputy

in Congress between 1986 and 1993,

is of the same opinion

, when conservative Catalan nationalism supported Felipe González, considering that the "slots of the PSOE have a limit."

Emerging, at this point, the reasonable doubt as to whether the PSOE that Casas knew and treated has not been devoured by the

Sanchista Frankenstein

.

According to the criteria of The Trust Project

Know more

  • PSOE

  • We can

  • ERC

  • Spain

  • Citizens

  • PP

  • PSC

  • Juan Carlos Campo

  • Mariano Rajoy

  • Miquel Iceta

  • PNV

  • Pablo Iglesias

  • Pedro Sanchez

  • Salvador Illa

  • Albert rivera

  • Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba

  • Arnaldo Otegi

  • Bildu

  • Carles puigdemont

  • ETA

  • Felipe Gonzalez

CataloniaLanguage immersion: past and present of civic resistance

InterviewPablo Casado: "The PP now represents the moderate social democrats better than Sánchez"

PoliticsThe PP rejects the Budgets "of the lie" and of "the betrayal of Spain"

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