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The election year 2021 sets the course for Germany for the next few decades.

It is about a directional decision on the raison d'être and the economic order.

Will the fight against climate change become the core task of the state to which everything has to be subordinate?

And does politics primarily rely on free initiative based on the market economy or on state intervention in the economy and everyday life?

Despite Corona, climate protection is the most important issue for younger voters.

The question is the same as for the pandemic, but combating it was more of a test run.

In contrast to the epidemic, climate protection is not about temporary restrictions, but about the permanent orientation of the economic and social order.

Should it be evolutionary or revolutionary?

This is what the voters decide.

The beginning of the camp election campaign, spurred on by Fridays for Future, the “lateral thinkers” and calls for cash in the media, will be fought in nine ballots in 2021.

On March 14th there are state elections in Baden-Württemberg and Rhineland-Palatinate as well as local elections in Hesse.

On April 25th, Thuringia elects a new state parliament, on June 6th, Saxony-Anhalt.

Local elections in Lower Saxony will follow on September 12, and on September 26 the parliament of Schwerin and the House of Representatives of Berlin will be re-elected along with the Bundestag.

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The polls for the federal election suggest black-green or a new Groko as the result.

A coalition of the SPD, the Greens and the Left Party is also only a few percentage points away from a majority.

The greens are the linchpin.

At the edges, the views are clear.

Radical skeptics see the corona measures as harbingers of a climate dictatorship.

For those who are strictly convinced, the corona standstill is the trial entry into a waiver economy, which, with state control, is the only chance of human survival.

In between, in the middle, the dice fall.

The directional decision has a similar dimension to the vote of the electorate 70 years ago to bind the Federal Republic to the West and to adopt a social market economy.

The CDU / CSU was in favor, the SPD against.

After initial setbacks in the state elections in 1950, the Union prevailed.

In 1957 the SPD drew the consequence with the Godesberg program.

She committed to a market economy and ties to the West.

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The Greens are facing a similar decision with regard to the economic order.

Ecological evolution or ecological revolution, adapting the economy or stalling it - these are the alternatives.

Under Merkel, the Union has decidedly committed to climate protection, but wants to strengthen the market economy in order to keep ecological change affordable.

The Greens and the SPD are partly toying with ecological state authority and eco-socialist ideals.

Your left wing sees the overcoming of capitalism within reach, with climate protection as the scientific and moral motor.

In Baden-Württemberg, on March 14th, the Greens will face competition in their own camp for the first time with the radical ecological “climate list”.

If you swivel it to the left, this has consequences for the economy.

The Union wants to prevent that.

It is recognizable that it relies on the pragmatic wing of the Greens.

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The CDU and CSU will closely monitor whether the AfD does well in the Hessian local elections in Rüsselsheim, again at the expense of the CDU and SPD.

It is also important whether the CDU under new leadership in Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia has to decide again between tolerance by the AfD or support for the Left Party.

The main focus, however, is on the greens.

Are young green voters migrating to the “climate list”?

If not, the Greens in Stuttgart could also form a traffic light made up of the Greens, SPD and FDP instead of a new green-black coalition.

In autumn, people want their lives back

Will they then continue the traffic lights in Rhineland-Palatinate with a narrow majority, provided that the Liberals make it into the Mainz state parliament?

Or do they form a black-green state government there to show that black-green is not an obsolete model?

There are reasons for that.

If the pandemic is over in the fall, people want their lives back.

Jens Spahn plays a key role in this.

The victory over Corona initially makes you immune to any ecological standstill.

The Chancellery wins whoever represents evolutionary rather than revolutionary climate protection most convincingly - as was the case 70 years ago with the social market economy.

This text is from WELT AM SONNTAG.

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Source: WELT AM SONNTAG