Elections in the US: Who's Who in Joe Biden's Cabinet
Elections in the US Donald Trump yields and authorizes the start of the transfer of powers to Joe Biden
Normality has returned.
And, with it, boredom.
The
first appearance of the leaders of the foreign and security policy team with Joe Biden was marked by calm
.
There were no outbursts.
There was no cult of personality.
There were no three-word tweets, all in capital letters, before and after the event.
There was no reference to the fact that Biden has gotten six million more votes than Trump, and the number continues to grow.
Everything was so normal that it seemed strange.
There were only three messages that, in practice, correspond to what were the official lines of United States foreign policy from the entry of that country into World War II, in 1941, until the swearing-in of office by Donald Trump in 2017 :
the first world power wants to regain leadership in major global initiatives;
it wants to achieve this through alliances with nations with which it has historically maintained close ties;
and, finally, he is aware that, for this, he needs to reach an internal consensus
.
The first and second objectives were emphasized by active and passive.
Participants used personal stories to do so, such as when Secretary of State candidate Tony Blinken recalled how his mother's husband escaped from a Nazi death camp to be rescued by an American tank driven by a black soldier.
"When he saw him, he said the only three words he knew in English, and that his mother had taught him, long before: 'God bless America,'" Blinken concluded.
In the realm of realities, it was clear.
He promised "confidence and humility", and recalled Biden's words:
"We cannot solve the world's problems by ourselves; we need to work with other countries, their cooperation, their collaboration."
But the clearest phrase came from the hand of the nominee for the US representation at the UN, Linda Thomas-Greenfield:
"The United States is back; multilateralism is back; diplomacy is back
."
In reality, as Thomas-Greenfield made clear, the Biden team doctrine follows Secretary of State's phrase with Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright, when she said "we are the indispensable nation: we are bigger and see further than the others" .
The potential ambassador to the United Nations repeated the same, but indirectly, when, after
listing a long list of international problems, she concluded: "All of them are interconnected, but not only unsolvable if the United States leads the response."
The first two goals are the easy part.
The third, the difficult one.
How to enforce the old adage that "foreign policy ends where the sea begins" - which has been, in theory at least, the norm of US international action for more than a century - is at best questionable. political context in which the loser, Donald Trump, still does not assume his defeat and both he and his team refer to his followers as "patriots", which implies that the eight people who have appeared on the stage today, They are not, and that, therefore, the heads of state and government and most of the foreign and security policy will be in the hands of potential traitors.
Ratification in the Senate
And, without internal political consensus, there can be no consensus on foreign action.
Even more so when it is highly possible that the Republican opposition controls the Senate, that the Legislative body that must ratify the Secretary of State, Tony Blinken, the Secretary of Homeland Security, Alejando Mayorkas, and the Defense Secretary, which has not yet been appointed, to the surprise of most observers, who assumed that this position would go to Michele Fluornoy, who already held positions of high responsibility in that Department during the presidency of Barack Obama.
That is a danger that was revealed in the appearance.
"Our challenge is going to be to overcome those issues that block our ability to proceed" in the international arena, said Vice President Kamala Harris,
in a clear reference to the crisis that Donald Trump is creating with his stubbornness, consent and sometimes supported by his party, in not admitting defeat.
Mitch McConnell, the leader of the Senate Republicans, has yet to accept that Trump has lost the election
.
Biden, however, has prepared for that eventuality.
Fluornoy has not been nominated yet because she is too "right-wing" for the Democratic left wing, and Biden is trying to offer counterparts to those "rebels" in his party.
And all the security equipment is from Biden.
Harris hasn't put anyone he trusts in the front ranks
.
The cabinet project that was presented this Tuesday is made up of centrists with decades of experience in the Public Administration.
All have been high positions.
There are no donors.
Many come from upper-class families, but none are billionaires.
Although they all have proven loyalty to the Democratic Party, there is not a single suspect of leftist freaks among them.
On the contrary.
Literally, the foreign policy of the United States is going to start on January 20, 2025 where Barack Obama left off on January 20, 2021
.
The only difference is that Obama's 'loyalists' have been replaced by loyalists of his former vice president, Joe Biden.
It's all so normal that it's boring.
In their appearance, the men and women Biden wants to direct America's foreign and security policy made that centrism clear
.
As the nominee for National Director of Intelligence Avril Haines said when addressing Biden, "I know that you have selected me not to serve you, but to serve the people of the United States."
Jake Sullivan, appointed to the post of National Security Advisor, recalled how "my wife Maggie worked as a 'senior' adviser to Senator John McCain," the Republican candidate for the White House in 2008, who was defeated precisely by Obama and Biden. , and of which the current president was a personal friend despite their political differences.
There is no more explicit way to extend an olive branch to the Republican Party, although not to Trumpism:
the president's insults to McCain, who died in 2019, were constant, these four years and, possibly, they ended up costing him a defeat in these elections history in the state of Arizona, of which he was the late legislator.
According to the criteria of The Trust Project
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