The West is not a term that covers a geographical area, but rather a global political project
The development of the future of transatlantic relations is due to Europe
Merkel and Macron have taken a step in the right direction when they proposed a fund for Europe's recovery. Getty
Biden’s victory does not mean America’s return to pre-Trump. Getty
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Faced with difficult challenges and circumstances, politicians often resort to empty phrases. Certainly, this is the case for Europe and its changing relations with the United States. For example, German Chancellor Angela Merkel now argues that transatlantic relations need a fundamental reassessment, and German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas insists that there is an "urgent need to act", but what does that mean? Where are the concrete proposals that define exactly what should come after this move?
In fact, we Europeans, and specifically we Germans, comforted ourselves by relying on the assumption that the post-World War II world order was preserving itself after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In the end, the United States was the remaining superpower in this world, and it happened to be a close friend of Germany. While we took care of ourselves at home, the United States, with some support from its nuclear friends, such as France and Britain on the UN Security Council, was responsible for the rest of the world.
Image of a changing world
But since the geopolitical turmoil that ravaged the world since the 1990s, the United States, unlike most European countries, has been a picture of a changing world. And she reached the conclusion that she should think carefully about Asia, especially China, which means that there will be less focus on Europe, and the opposite world in the Atlantic. Accordingly, at a time when the United States began to reduce its involvement in the Middle East and Europe, former US President Barack Obama announced "Pivot Asia", and then developed into the strategy of "India and the Indian Ocean" that is not clear under President Donald Trump's rule.
Now that China has replaced the Soviet Union as the main geopolitical rival of the United States, there has been increasing talk of a new Cold War, not only among hawks among Trump's Republican allies and opponents. Certainly, Trump is the first American president to publicly call on European countries both for loyalty and financial compensation. In nearly three and a half years, the message from the United States has been that if Europe, especially Germany, does not pay the money, it will not be able to count on the protection of the United States under Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Trump's view is that the world is a simple place where the strongest player always prevails. He does not acknowledge that the US allies are gaining ground, and they are different from China and Russia. Trump sees all of the United States' partners and allies as just possible signs of blackmail.
It is important to clarify now that Europe must stop appearing to be a hare in front of the United States snake. The United States will do whatever it thinks is the best, and if Trump wins a second term in November, many things could change, the least of which is NATO. But even if his Democratic opponent, Joe Biden, wins, the United States will not immediately transform itself into what it was before Trump, because with or without Trump, the United States will reduce its interest in the Atlantic, and increase it in the Pacific. And within a few years, European Americans will no longer be the majority in the US population.
In addition, two-thirds of Americans now believe that their country "is playing the role of the world's policeman more than it should," which suggests that any future administration will feel pressure to reduce the US military presence in the Near and Middle East. This, in turn, would diminish Germany's importance as a forward base for US operations in the Middle East, Africa and anywhere else.
Under these circumstances, Europe must begin to define its interests itself, and clarify the means by which it will develop these interests (military, economic, and political), and for example, the Germans must not let the views of the American president influence their internal debate about Defense spending.
Relations with China
The same applies to European relations with China. How does the European Union intend to prevent each member of the Union from practicing its own policy with China? The answer to this question, and the development of a strategy to deal with China on a large scale, will be more important than the relationship between the two sides of the Atlantic and the financial contributions of NATO, and the issues of reducing the number of soldiers and trade.
Fortunately, given the geopolitical powers of the twenty-first century, even the United States will quickly realize that being on its own carries many risks. Our planet at this stage faces many dangers, such as climate change, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the outbreak of epidemics, which can only be addressed collectively and globally, and that the need for a strong relationship between the two sides of the Atlantic will be quite evident. But a renewal of this relationship will be possible if Europe is united on fundamental issues, as an internally divided Europe cannot be an important partner for anyone.
As for Europe, the transatlantic relationship will remain a natural thing. Europe decided the alliance with the United States 75 years ago, and it should always be that way. Europe cannot be equated with countries such as China and Russia that have completely different ideas about how to govern.
A global political project
In fact, the West is not a term that covers a geographical area, but rather a global political project centered on the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary, freedom of expression, independence of the press, and other fundamental values related to freedom. Despite Trump, the European Union and the United States remain the main proponents of these ideas.
The challenge for Europe is to show that it is possible to find a balance between individual freedom and collective responsibility. As the first phase of the Corona pandemic showed, this is much easier said than done. But since that period, Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron have taken a step in the right direction when they proposed a fund for Europe's recovery.
Europeans must admit that when they speak of rethinking the United States, they are, in fact, revealing a change in their self-perception. There is an “urgent need for action” and the Europeans must act by themselves and for themselves. Those days have passed, when we used to rest in our homes and allow the US aircraft carriers to protect our interests.
Sgmar Gabriel, former German Foreign Minister
Since the geopolitical turmoil that ravaged the world since the 1990s, the United States, unlike most European countries, has been an image of a changing world. And she reached the conclusion that she should think carefully about Asia, especially China, which means that there will be less focus on Europe, and the opposite world in the Atlantic.
Trump is the first American president to publicly call on European countries both for loyalty and financial compensation. In nearly three and a half years, the message America was sending was that if Europe, especially Germany, did not pay the money, it would not be able to count on America's protection.
Europe must begin to define its own interests and clarify the means by which it will develop these interests (military, economic, and political). For example, the Germans should not let the views of the US president influence their internal debate about defense spending.