Mohammed Al-Minshawi-Washington

Through its monitoring of the positions of senior officials of the Democratic Party in the United States - in addition to the research centers known for its hostility to President Donald Trump - Al Jazeera Net monitored several points that are circulated and published on a large scale, regarding the liquidation of the commander of the Quds Force, Major General Qassem Soleimani.

The Democrats ’strategy began by asserting that no American can shed tears about Soleimani’s killing, but the question is not about whether or not he is targeted, but whether Soleimani’s targeting and killing makes America safer, or that Trump’s move will have dangerous consequences in the direction Opposite? And does Trump have any future strategy for dealing with what's coming up?

Here are the most prominent points that Al Jazeera Net has monitored in this regard:

Trump does not have any strategy to protect the Americans and American interests in the face of the expected Iranian escalation, and the only step was taken from the American embassy in Baghdad, which warned the Americans that they should leave Iraq immediately.

Despite Trump's claim that Soleimani was targeted with deterrence against any future attacks, all evidence confirms that Soleimani's killing increased the likelihood of Americans coming under special attacks with expectations of a widening confrontation with Iran.

- All escalation and tension between the United States and Iran is because of Trump's move to withdraw from the nuclear agreement that Washington and five major countries signed with Iran in 2015.

The killing of Soleimani weakened and perhaps ended any good relationship between Baghdad and Washington. The importance of this relationship is great for Washington in confronting the remnants of the Islamic State.

Trump does not have advisors and experts who can deal with a regional crisis and its dangerous consequences, as Trump's attitudes and behaviors have led many experts to leave his administration, especially the National Security team and the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defense.

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Trump's decision to kill Soleimani raises astonishment, especially in light of what is known to have ordered the stopping of planes to bomb targets inside Iran after Tehran shot down a US march plane in the Persian Gulf last summer, for fear of large numbers of Iranian victims.

The assassination of Soleimani came in a broader framework of mutual escalation between Washington and Tehran in recent months and weeks, to which Trump's positions have contributed greatly.

Trump's withdrawal from the nuclear agreement came in contrast to the advice and perceptions of the American intelligence services that repeatedly emphasized that the nuclear agreement was the best way to contain the Iranian threat.

The Trump administration's maximum pressure policy has given Iran and its regional clients the opportunity to conduct sabotage activities on a large scale.

It was not difficult to imagine the Iranian regime escalating in the Gulf by targeting the oil tankers, then attacking the Saudi Aramco facilities, then escalating inside Iraq by targeting the American embassy in it.

These actions were expected by many in Washington following Trump's "unwise" decision to withdraw from the nuclear agreement, and there was no similar escalation during the period of the American commitment to the nuclear agreement.

It is not clear that the Trump administration has taken measures in anticipation of Iranian reprisal hostilities, especially since Iran has long hands in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Gulf states, Syria, Lebanon, and possibly Turkey and the Western countries.

The Trump administration should take into account the threats that US interests around the world face at this point. And Congress should oversee and monitor all the actions of the executive branch, inquire and ask openly and behind closed doors how to make the killing of Soleimani America and Americans safer. Congress should ask about the US strategy to deal with future developments.