No EU country has a coalition government like the one agreed between Pedro Sánchez and Pablo Iglesias

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Unprecedented since the Second Republic , Spain is in the prelude to the first government of the coalition of democracy. At the same time that the PSOE negotiates to obtain sufficient support for the investiture of Pedro Sánchez, the Socialists work on the design of the Executive that they will share with United We Can. However, although the lack of tradition in Spain makes it exceptional, the exercise of power along with other formations is common in many of the EU countries. Although not exactly in the way it can be produced in Spain .

At the expense of ERC deciding whether to give the green light with its abstention to a Government between Sánchez and Pablo Iglesias, the Spanish is for now one of the nine single-color executives of the EU, along with those of the United Kingdom , Denmark , Portugal , Ireland , Romania , Cyprus , Greece and Malta . Except in the last two territories, where the existence of an electoral premium for the most voted force (in Greece) or a two-party system of alternation (Malta) facilitates the formation of majorities, the other presidents or prime ministers exercise or have exercised without support Enough parliamentarians to guarantee government action.

Among the remaining 17 community partners, coalition cabinets are imposed as a form of government, in the absence of knowing what will happen in Austria - where conservatives and environmentalists negotiate after the electoral advance last September - and in Belgium - without agreements more than half a year after the last elections-. The analysis of the composition of the political sensibilities that cohabit in each administration determines how almost any imaginable combination is possible within the EU, although the center and moderate options are the norm.

Beyond the traditional left-right ideological axis - block scheme that still prevails in Spain when negotiating governments -, on European soil there are projects that coexist from leftist options with ultra-rightists ( Slovakia ) to communists with liberals, although it is true that the center-left or center-right executives are predominant. However, a coalition like the one between the PSOE and United We, with the exclusive participation of a social democratic party and another located on its left, would be something unprecedented in the current European scene. You have to look to the Nordic countries to find something similar.

It is the case of Finland , where the Finnish Social Democratic Party heads a pentaparty with 19 portfolios, there are members of the Left Alliance , a socialist formation that shares a group in the European Parliament with communists, other radical left options, Sinn Féin or Spaniards of Podemos, IU and EH Bildu. However, the big difference with the future alliance between the Spanish social democrats and United We can is that in Finland two parties of centrist or liberal court also participate, in addition to another eco-socialist. In any case, the future of the Finnish coalition remained in the air this week after the resignation of the Prime Minister, preceded by the loss of confidence of the partner Center Party .

It is more common for organizations on the left of social democracy to provide parliamentary support to center-left alliances, but from outside the Government, as was the case during the last legislature with the communists in Portugal or currently in Denmark , where the radicals of the Roji- Alliance Green underpin social democrats. This formula was the one defended by Sanchez himself until the generals of 10-N; After them, in two days, what was impossible in the previous five months was closed and brought the country to the electoral repetition: a PSOE-United Podemos coalition pre-agreement.

A study of what has happened in the last four decades in the 28 countries that today belong to the EU shows how the entry into the government of the most select formations on the left, some heirs of communist parties, is unusual. And, when they do, they are usually accompanied by other partners that extend the ideological spectrum of the executive and place it in the center.

This happened in Finland itself, at the beginning of the 80s, half of the 90s and at the beginning of this decade; in Italy , within very broad coalitions, in the late 90s and during the second stage of Romano Prodi ; in France , during the beginnings of Mitterrand or with Jospin , in the late 90s; in Latvia , as part of a large coalition in the mid-90s, or, outside the EU, in Norway and Iceland . Even when the Cypriot communists or Syriza , in Greece, were first forces in their parliaments, they completed their majorities of government with conservative or ultra-nationalist parties.

Apart from left-right competition, it is not difficult to find in Europe cabinets that respond to other political realities, depending on the political agenda that prevails in each territory. Thus, in Latvia an alliance of liberals, conservatives, Eurosceptics and right-wing radicals whose binder is to remove Saskana from power, a social-democratic option that has won all legislative elections since 2011, and defender of the pro-Russian minority that lives in the Baltic country .

In other places, the rejection of the distribution of asylum seekers with which the EU tried to solve the arrival of refugees to the European continent has catapulted or consolidated the leaders of the Visegrad Group in power : Hungary , Poland , Czech Republic or Slovakia , the latter country in which a populist social democracy leads a coalition in which a nationalist party of ultras dyes.

According to the criteria of The Trust Project

• United We Can
• Spain
• Greece
• Finland
• PSOE
• Portugal
• Pedro Sanchez
• Slovakia
• Pablo Iglesias
• Denmark
• Latvia
• Norway
• European Parliament
• We can
• Poland
• United Kingdom
• Czech Republic
• Romania
• Europe
• Austria
• Bildu
• Belgium
• Cyprus
• ERC
• France
• Hungary
• IU
• Ireland
• Italy
• General elections
• Graphics

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