A media magnate persecuted by the Justice for tax fraud and money laundering and a university professor of speech stumbling and austere airs. They are the candidates among which citizens must choose for the Presidency of Tunisia this Sunday.
Nabil Karui, 56, is the owner of the Nessma television channel, one of the largest audience in the country. The chain is owned by former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and nobody knows that Karui may have been inspired by the example of Il Cavaliere . In June he created Qalb Tunes (The Heart of Tunisia) , a political party with which he has managed to enter Parliament with 38 deputies - becoming the second force of the chamber - in the elections of October 6. In addition, Karui directs the Khalil Tunes Foundation, dedicated to his deceased son and who distributes food to the most needy population. His pasta packages have earned him the affection of the poorest, but there are also those who accuse him of captivating the vote thanks to them. Hence they call him 'Nabil Makarruna' (Nabil Macaroni) .
Kais Saied is its opposite. A discreet and sober man. He does not have a political party behind and was promoted to the first place of the first round of the presidential elections, on September 15, with no campaign or mass rallies, but speaking in the cafés. So much so that Tunisians joke that their campaign has cost less than a pack of tobacco and a direct (as coffee in milk is popularly called in Tunisia). Professor of Constitutional Law of 61 years, speaks in an elitist language perched on the tribune of classical Arabic (while the common language is the dialect), which has earned him the nickname of The Robot .
A priori, no glamor with which to seduce the disenchanted youth with the political course, but eager to expand the margins of their revolution. But the surprising thing is that he has seduced them. His secret is his anti-political and anti-party discourse, with anarchic airs, which he wants to break with everything established and reform the system . He has called it "a new revolution", which would follow the rebellion that in January 2011 ended the dictatorship of Zin el Abidin Ben Ali. House with distrust towards the political class that feels a good part of the population to see that in these eight years there have been few socio-economic advances that improve their routines. And with disappointment.
"These candidates represent the emergence of a new response, a counterculture that opposes the mismanagement of political parties. It is already eight years after the Revolution in which the political class has not moved proposals to improve the economic, political system and social, " Ridha Tlili, a political scientist and hispanist , explains to EL MUNDO.es.
"Society is looking for alternatives , although some of those presented are confusing and the strategies are not yet clear," he adds. "Kais Saied is that alternative, but it is not yet mature. His speech is confusing, with anarchist and religious references, total chaos," he concludes.
Perhaps that is why he has drawn around his figure the support of very different political parties in the Tunisian spectrum. From the Islamoconservative In Nahda to the social democrat Attayar (first and third in the legislative elections), through the prosalafist Karama (fourth formation in the hemicycle) and former Prime Minister Hamadi Jebali or former President Moncef Marzuki.
Lobbies and campaign
It is easier for a political party to get on Saied's car than Karui. The magnate lived a brilliant ascent until he entered last August 23 in prison charged with fraud and money laundering and remained in jail until Wednesday, October 9, when an Court of Appeal ordered him to release him. Between bars he has not been able to campaign, which has been used by his lawyers to try to derail the elections this Sunday, although without success, claiming that he has not had equal conditions .
"We believe that there has been inequality, but in favor of Karui, who has had his television channel 24 hours a day, seven days a week campaigning for him, and his foundation. He has painted himself as a victim of the system ", criticizes Fadua al Uni, specialist in electoral processes of IWatch , the NGO that two years ago presented the demand that led the millionaire to prison for tax evasion.
The Tunisian press also aired that many presidential candidates paid large sums of money to international lobbies . Specifically, Karui paid a million dollars - an amount that exceeds the authorized campaign spending threshold - to an international firm to improve its image in the US, Russia and the UN and thus reach the Presidency. Other parties (including In Nahda or the Aish Tunes civil society list) also turned to lobbyists, paying smaller amounts.
"Resorting to the services of these firms creates inequality of opportunities. It is necessary to enact laws that regulate these activities," Al Uni said in an interview with this newspaper.
After getting out of jail, Karui engaged in a frantic campaign activity that dragged Saied from his comfortable anonymity, who in solidarity with the lattice mogul had given up holding rallies. The climax was lived this Friday on the busy Burguiba Avenue, with both candidates making double before beating in a televised debate with an open face.
A tremendous final outcome for the race to the Palace of Carthage , the headquarters of the Tunisian Presidency, which unleashed the premature death of Beji Caid Esebsi. If Karui is elected, he will only have to leave his mansion and cross the street to occupy the large armchair. Saied will have to walk through some sordid streets full of cats that eat the scattered garbage before he can arrive, although he may give a little boost to the first place he obtained in the first round and the political support he calls. Tunisians decide today.
According to the criteria of The Trust Project
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