Administrative Control Authority .. What do you know about the most deadly Sisi device Egyptians?

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"No one thinks that the length of Bali and my good character means that the country is located, a section of God who will bring her to Achilles from above the earth!"

(Sisi, February 2016)

In recent years, the name of the Administrative Control Authority has emerged as one of the active organs in the Egyptian arena aimed at combating government corruption and arresting bribes. It has been almost a week in Egypt for a long time only and the Authority declares its capture of "precious hunting" of senior Whales of Egypt. However, the videos of the artist and contractor Mohamed Ali, who interacted with a wide section of Egyptians about the corruption that surrounds and necrosizes the institutions of the army and the presidency, and relates to the person of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, re-submit the file of the administrative control of the facade, and the fact of its role assigned to fight corruption. It is a file that can be highlighted by highlighting the mechanisms used by the Sisi regime in liquidating its opponents and devoting its control over the joints of the state apparatus mainly.

Mohammed Ali "the first" .. The origin of authoritarianism in Egypt!

There is no doubt that the modern state in Egypt is based on an ancient bureaucracy originally established by Muhammad Ali Pasha (1805-1849) when he reorganized the administrative apparatus of the state by creating several bureaus, headed by the daily Office of the Ma'iyyah to follow up his orders day by day. Numerous amendments throughout Muhammad Ali's rule over this hierarchical apparatus, which was a reflection of his strategy of running the country's affairs.

Muhammad Ali's methods of building the "modern state" were a mixture of European-style organizational models and "Eastern" practices.

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Al-Basha was keen to crush any role of the intermediary groups that have played large roles between the supreme authority and the general public and civil society, and manifested by the agricultural "commitment" system, the links of craft and commercial varieties, Sufi methods, Bedouin neuroticism, and social organizations of religious "boredom". Minorities, all of which crushed Muhammad Ali and made it marginally had no impact on the political and administrative reality of his time when he created a new administrative "bureaucracy" that had different and atypical objectives as before.

In fact, the bureaucracy of Muhammad Ali represented a far-reaching political weapon. In the early years of the rule of Egypt, the Pasha had great difficulties in consolidating its control over Egypt's administrative divisions. He undoubtedly benefited from the old Ottoman institutions such as the calendar, The local government, made up of Turkish rulers, is called scouts and their men are scouts at the summit and then the country's sheikhs. He had to rely on Coptic clerical staff, some of whom kept the books of state accounts inside his home.

However, in 1824, Muhammad Ali decided to establish a bureaucratic hierarchy based on a chain of command starting from Cairo and ending with the villages. Egypt was divided into 24 parts, each of which was divided into plans, sections, commissions and directorates, and he ran these units - instead of the Ottoman rulers and scouts. - A new type of staff dispatched from Cairo, the system was applied to villages and local staff remaining in service, and later this regional system was placed under the supervision of the General Inspection Bureau.

According to Nazih al-Ayyoubi's valuable research on “amplifying the Arab state,” Muhammad Ali's methods of building a “modern state” were a mixture of European-style organizational models and “Eastern” practices, and although they are a modern bureaucracy in appearance, Muhammad Ali's approach to addressing His staff in official correspondence was a despotic and humiliating tactic. The word "pig" was one of the favorite attributes given to employees who discovered their shortcomings, and if he inspected some state farms or factories and found what he saw as evidence of negligence on the part of one of his senior employees, He was instructing "The abuser is flogged 100 lashes on his helpless with a big stick, then he is exiled and if he returns, he is crucified."

The "Policy on Nama" of 1837, promulgated by Muhammad Ali, stipulated that "servants, large and small, will receive the appropriate disciplinary punishment if they fail to follow laws and regulations, or if they commit something contrary to human honor or the condition of slavery." ) "(2). Thus, the first manifestations of the modern Egyptian bureaucracy were exposed in the first half of the nineteenth century, as a central authority exercise with the sole and primary purpose of serving the interests of the "Pasha" and the easy access of the hands of the "modern central state" to any place and any category, whether it be a village or someone in the far reaches of Egypt. Al-Mahrousa, which the Ottomans and the Mamluks in Egypt could not manage, with the establishment of laws that undermined the exacerbation of this bureaucracy or departed from its goal for which it was found, and the Pasha has succeeded in this great success!

Inflated Egyptian bureaucracy

The situation continued throughout the era of Muhammad Ali and his sons, but the role of the Egyptian bureaucracy began to increase and influence coincided with the state of absolute dependence of the British-French occupier, who intervened economically and financially in the era of Ismail since 1874 when the country drowned in debt, and then politically and militarily British occupation in 1882, and in Under this subordination, bureaucracy is emerging in new forms.

In an important article on the “victory of the bureaucracy,” researcher Amr Adly asserts that many historical and sociological studies indicate that the independence of the Egyptian bureaucracy and its transformation into an influential socio-political actor was due to the chronic weakness of civil society, especially the great bourgeoisie, which is in turn due to the colonial circumstance to which Egypt was subjected. Since the end of the nineteenth century.

It is noteworthy that the Egyptian national independence since 1956 and the subsequent liberalization of the economy from the direct foreign influences did not translate into a bigger role for the national bourgeoisie, whether big or small, but moved to the hands of the state represented in the then-formed Nasserite regime, which took upon itself Leading modernization, industrialization and development by expanding the nationalization of private foreign and national capital, and expanding the establishment of a state-owned and state-run public sector that dominated almost all the influential economic sectors from the late 1950s to the early 1990s.

In the same vein, bureaucratic elites within the state that were a combination of military, bureaucratic and technocratic backgrounds were a practical alternative to the bourgeoisie in managing productive assets, pushing for modernization, and building a nation-state within a typical authoritarian framework of top-down modernization where the state leads and follows society (3).

This is at the level of the formation of the Egyptian bureaucracy and its historical rise, and according to the researcher himself, the Egyptian bureaucracy has three main manifestations, which concern us the first manifestation, as the total components of this bureaucracy of institutions, bodies, ministries and people were and still able at any time to agree on a political goal in Minimum, for example, "Sisi's delivery of the presidency for example, or the crushing of the Muslim Brotherhood in another example, or resistance to the revolution in a third example, and here bureaucracy is able to coordinate with the minimum to reach such a goal" (4).

If this bureaucracy succeeds in reaching its consensual goal, it returns to one of its other manifestations as interest groups struggling for the benefits and gains, but this happens exclusively within the framework of the state, and behind the veil of the bureaucratic president who protects the bureaucracy stands in the service of its interests, which in this case Sisi.

However, Sisi, who comes from the presidency of the military intelligence service, one of the most important organs at the information level in Egypt, whose role and influence increased after the state of security liquidity after the revolution of January 2011, naturally recognized the role and seriousness of these contradictions within the Egyptian cabinet and power centers The first step before Sisi, after getting rid of the main actors of the revolution, led by the Muslim Brotherhood and the intermediary groups of parties and personalities, and then ascension to the presidency of the state, is to re-control this bureaucracy and use it to consolidate his authority, which apparently wanted not to They are less than the authority of Muhammad Ali and Gamal Abdel Nasser, the two men who have established the modern authoritarian state of Egypt.

Sisi coming from the presidency of the Military Intelligence seems to understand the nature of the Egyptian bureaucracy!

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For the past six years, Sisi has been working on a fundamental goal of consolidating his grip on all the joints of the state, using the army and its personnel for this purpose.It was not unusual for Sisi to come to power by military coup, after getting rid of his closest senior aides, including his brother-in-law, the former army chief of staff. General Mahmoud Hijazi and most of the leaders of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, as well as the most dangerous man, Mohamed Farid Touhami, the former director of the General Intelligence (5), to continue to take the same dual strategy, which is to get rid of all centers of military and civilian power at the level of individuals, while continuing Dah on the army in consolidating its grip and power.

In his study "The Republic of Officers in Egypt," Yazid Sayegh asserts that after 1991 (after the advent of Field Marshal Tantawi to the Ministry of Defense), the Egyptian armed forces expanded their full incursion into almost every area of ​​the patronage-based regime of Hosni Mubarak. Retire to key positions in ministries, government agencies, and state-owned companies, and give them additional salaries and lucrative opportunities to earn additional income in return for their loyalty to the president.

The strategy itself is still a temptation and strength for Sisi, but it can be said that it has expanded, and brought it to the public, even at the level of administration and economy, after it was within the framework of localities and important functions and patronage within the state cabinet in the time of Hosni Mubarak, and became the engineering management of the armed forces - for example Example - the first sponsor, and the most prominent partner of all major engineering and construction projects in Egypt since the rise of Sisi, such as digging the Suez Canal New Canal, the new regional road, the new administrative capital and the project of the Galala and others, after we heard about the "Arab Contractors" and Her sisters in the time of Sadat and Hosni Mubarak.

The Administrative Control Authority

In November 1962, in an attempt by President Nasser to withdraw the growing power rug from Abdelhakim Amer in the army, as well as other sectors of the state, he submitted a draft law requiring that the higher ranks of the army be promoted from brigadier and higher only after review, which he considered Abdel-Hakim Amer withdrew his powers, and a war targeting him personally, and because of Nasser's fear of Abdel-Hakim's military strength and loyalty of his officers, who went to his village in Minya protesting, Nasser withdrew the draft resolution, and the two men returned to the "old friendship" (7) But a new situation emerged in the balance of power within the country Hakim and his supporters Shams Badran, the head of his office and the director of military security, and Salah Nasr, director of the General Intelligence are the strongest side in that battle.

Some researchers describe that this was a "war of bureaucracies" between the military wing and the presidential wing in their struggle against the state, and that "military bureaucracy" was able to dominate other bureaucracies, and in the midst of these bureaucratic "battles" created feelings of deep hatred in the midst of Egyptian bureaucracies accompanied Activities resulting in business disruption and defamation (8).

Nasser and Amer, the two men competing for influence and power and adapt the bureaucracy!

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In order to rein in Abdel Hakim's group, Nasser issued his decision No. 54 of 1964 establishing the "Administrative Control Authority" (9) as an independent supervisory body of the Prime Minister to fight corruption within the government apparatus in the state, but what was apparently a subsidiary apparatus of the Prime Minister and for the purpose of fighting corruption In fact, it was Abdel Nasser's strong and controlled hand and his eye within the civil bureaucracy in the Egyptian state. It was in fact an apparatus that would restore the balance of power to the “military bureaucracy” led by Abdel Hakim and his group as part of the “struggle” for influence and power in Egypt.

Nasser and his successors were keen to date that the heads of the body and members of the army and intelligence men and later police officers, was Major General Kamal Ghar coming from the General Intelligence first and perhaps the longest, where he stayed in office for 14 consecutive years, where he received the confidence of Nasser, and a long time on Sadat Confidence.

The Commission continued to work as stipulated in its law until it opened extensive investigations in the era of Sadat, in a case known as "Ismat Sadat and Rashad Othman," the nephew of the President, which disturbed Sadat at the time, decided to transfer the head of the body Kamal Ghar in 1978 to the specialized national councils, The Commission was dissolved two years later and was suspended in 1980. The case files were then distributed to the Military Police and State Security Investigations, and many corruption papers and evidence were mined.

When Hosni Mubarak took office, he issued a decision in 1982 to reconstitute the Commission and appoint Major General Mahmoud Abdullah, and moved its headquarters from Giza, Dokki, to the current building of the Commission in the golf area in Nasr City, the first case opened by the Commission at the time is the case of Esmat Sadat and his sons, and his relations with Rashad Osman, which ended in his imprisonment and confiscation of his property.

Yazid Sayegh, a researcher in military and security affairs, asserts that the Administrative Control Authority worked under Mubarak as a means to intimidate and punish dissidents, and to control regime supporters. It could also be restrained when its investigations threatened political or businessmen close to the president. Its president, Major General Ahmed Abdel Rahman, after insisting on pursuing a corruption investigation against then-housing minister Ibrahim Suleiman, his replacement, Admiral Hitler Tantawi, appeared to be more compliant. Mubarak renewed him three times, and after Tantawi retired in 2004, accusations that he used his position to obtain On p He was succeeded by Major General Mohamed Farid El Tohamy, the man that Sisi will launch at the beginning of his coup. The General Intelligence presidency is noteworthy. Mubarak has been renewed to El Tohamy four times since his original appointment ended in 2008, most recently by Field Marshal Tantawi, chairman of the ruling military council. After the revolution in December 2011.

When Mohamed Morsi rose to the presidency in June 2012, one of the officers of the Administrative Control Authority, Lt. Col. Moatasem Fathi, was able to provide evidence of the corruption of its former president, Major General Mohamed Farid El Tohamy, as well as the bombing of the issue of "presidential palaces" in which Mubarak and his sons were involved. Some other regulators have already confirmed the validity of the accusations.President Mohamed Morsi issued a decision to remove Tuhami from his post and appoint Major General Mohamed Omar Haiba in his place. (12) Sisi dismissed him after the military coup, appointing Major General Mohamed Irfan Gamal El-Din and then dismissing him in violation of the constitution. ), And set after him Major General Sharif Seif Eddine, the current head of the Commission, and appointed ironically Major General Tuhami accused of corruption in the post of head of the General Intelligence and then dismissed!

It is noteworthy that Sisi has returned more attention to the Administrative Control Authority, perhaps more than the presidents who preceded him.In the 2014 Constitution came a fundamental amendment to make the body an independent entity directly to the President of the Republic after it was subordinate to the Prime Minister, then the biggest step was in 2017 when Sisi issued Law No. 207 To add other competencies to the work of the Administrative Control Authority, including the fight against trafficking in human beings, and human organs, but it is noteworthy that this law added a new and important competence for the work of the body made it close to some of the functions of the General Intelligence Service specifically; In this way, the Authority's powers of controlling and combating corruption at home were extended to all matters related to the administrative apparatus of the Egyptian state, even if it was outside, and then to make daily contact with other regulatory and informational bodies open, lawful and enforced.

This amplification in the form and competencies of the Administrative Control Authority; to become the first and largest supervisory body in the Egyptian state now, is not excluded from the son of Sisi Lieutenant Colonel Mustafa Sisi, who has been working in this body for many years, as it is on the other side and according to the "Jerusalem Center for the Study of Society and the State" Al-Sisi, through his other son Mahmoud, who became the second man after Abbas Kamel in the General Intelligence Command and who, according to several sources, was implicated in the dismissal of Major General Khaled Fawzi, the former head of the Mukhabarat (14), has become Sisi through his two sons Mahmoud and Mustafa control the most important information and censorship In Egypt.

The administrative control system has worked and is still a remarkable effort, and was dominated by the Egyptian media machine and still highlights his heroics to fight daily corruption, and the detection of some ministers, governors, district chiefs and other senior officials of the bribes, was the most striking blow and the attention of the control body arrested a minister The former agriculture minister Salah Hilal in Tahrir Square after leaving the premiership in September 2015, then arrested the administrative control of the former governor of Helwan in March 2017, and then the former governor of Menoufia in January 2018 on charges of bribery and corruption.

The positions of those arrested in the last two years by the Administrative Control Authority have varied from presidents of courts, district chiefs, most of them retired brigades, a head of detectives in Cairo, some senior officials in various ministries such as health, petroleum, telecommunications, etc., and the director of maritime inspection in Suez, And other senior officials accused of corruption in all Egyptian governorates.

This large volume of cases, which are announced on a weekly and sometimes daily basis, not only reveals the State's serious interest in combating corruption, its rooting out of government officials, large or small, but also a deeper authoritarian practice aimed primarily at subduing This great bureaucratic apparatus, the declaration of total loyalty, and the fear and horror of anyone who thinks that the hand of the state / Sisi may be far from him.

This intense censorship practice, which Sisi is keen to address, its origins and goals, the well-known French thinker Michel Foucault in his important book "Observation and Punishment", and concluded that the primary goal of the authority is to control and know and then control "everything that happens", and "this authority to exercise itself, It must provide itself with the instrument of permanent supervision, thorough and thorough presence, a tool capable of making everything under the vision, but on the condition that it makes itself and itself invisible '' (15), in order to continue its work quietly, so as not to reveal the facts to the general public, so remain a picture The leader is as brilliant as it is brilliant!

In the funeral week of former President Gamal Abdel Nasser, the world's leading newspapers wondered about the secret of the "collective depression" that struck the Egyptians despite the heavy defeats inflicted on his people, in which he lost more than one-fifth of the Egyptian territory, as well as the establishment of the oppressive, censorship and media agencies he created and made it function. غسيل جماعي لعقول المصريين، هذه الجماهير التي خرجت تطالبه بالبقاء بدلا من التنحي بعد الهزيمة المفجعة لهزيمة يونيو/حزيران 1967م!

Which made Dr. Imam Abdel Fattah in his book "tyrant" explains the origin of the issue, and denies the claims that have long characterized the East slavery and submissiveness and humiliation of the ruler throughout history for a reason in itself and itself, he explained the other hand when he said:

"All we can say is that the peoples who used to rule the tyrant for several thousand years may find a willingness to accept this form of governance faster than others, and we do not mind to talk about the positives of the tyrant and praise his great works without finding it in it Embarrassment and no offense "(16).

Thus, six years after the military coup, Sisi's security and control arms penetrated to create a new reality intended to last and continue, a reality that is not only interested in subjugating the Egyptian society, but also subjecting this enormous bureaucratic apparatus that participated and contributed a great deal in suppressing and aborting the Egyptian revolution. It may surprise you, that the spark of the revolution erupts, from a place where power has not been reckoned with.