Whenever right-wing parties win in elections, whether in France, Italy, or last Sunday in Saxony and Brandenburg, the commentators and analysts ask themselves: who chooses something like that? They usually have the answer to the question already on election night: angry, suspended men. Modernization losers who have lost their confidence in the political system and now want to wipe their voices up there with one's voice. Voting as a protest.
But even if the numbers from the by-election polls each quickly draw a relatively sharp profile of the right-wing party supporters, "Male, worker, AfD voters" - this statistic phantom is not particularly meaningful. Even more, no political prescriptions can be derived for dealing with the stronger right-wing populists. This is shown by the experiences of two pioneer countries of the European Right: Austria and Switzerland. The FPÖ made in the last National Council elections 26 percent, the SVP even 29.4 percent.
As in recent weeks and months the supraregional media sent their reporters to Saxony and Brandenburg to feel the East German's pulse, as the mirror printed a red-black-gold fishing cap on his cover, "So Isser, the Ossi", reminded that of the coverage of the SVP and the FPÖ in the 1990s. Here as well as there were - and are - the analyzes of the electorate of the right-wing parties often simplistic and often overbearing. Just a few years ago, the Austrian magazine Profil wrote about the participants of an FPÖ event: "They are the ugliest people in Vienna, unformed, shapeless bodies, straw-colored, dull hair, without cut, neglected, glittering T-shirts that stretch, training pants "Leggings, pimpleskin, bad teeth, worn out shoes."
It is not the profile that connects the rightists, but their themes
Laurenz Ennser-Vierastik from the University of Vienna has been studying the voting behavior of his compatriots for years. He too characterizes the typical FPÖ voter as male, under 65, lower educated. It is true that these characteristics predict that this person will probably vote for the FPÖ, "says the political scientist. "But if a human being is constructed with all these stereotypes, then he is not representative of the electorate of a party, but only for a mini-group."
In other words, no matter how often journalists travel to the strongholds of the national conservative parties in order to spy on and pick a typical right-wing voter, be it in the starving industrial regions of Styria or in Wolfenschiessen in the canton of Nidwalden, where the SVP almost won the last national elections 90 percent of the votes won. More than a social reportage will not be found there either.
Of course, the freedom people are considered a new workers' party. More than half of the Austrian workers elect the FPÖ. But only a quarter of all FPÖ voters are workers.
Of course SVP is the political home of most Swiss farmers. Many farmers choose SVP, but only a fraction of all SVP voters are farmers.
The two right-wing parties in Switzerland and Austria have long been supporters in all social strata. Your voters work today at Paradeplatz as well as in the SME in Beringen. They also live in the upper middle-class Vienna-Döbling as well as in Wels in Upper Austria.
But what unites right-wing voters, and what sets them apart from others? Your political attitudes.