To summarize the year after the 2018 election as a political earthquake is no understatement. For half a century, parties, party members and voters had become accustomed to the left bloc standing against the right bloc. The 73-point program put all this to an end.
Although the government consists solely of S / MP, the government rests on a comprehensive policy document between S / MP / C / L that changes the whole logic of competition between the parties - even if the settlement did not come as a flash from clear skies.
The failure of the genome-liberal C and L to embark on collaboration with pronounced anti-liberal SDs was long apparent. For an increasingly centered party like S, it was also not easy to cooperate with V. Finally, the old configurations broke.
Then what can we expect when Parliament re-assembles?
A not too unlikely scenario is that the 73-point program itself contributes to changing the logic of how the parties relate to each other at the party leader level.
The four treaty parties have invested heavily in the settlement. Now they have reason to actually defend it. Similarly, the opposition has reason to be critical.
The longer it goes, the more natural it becomes for the parties to continue to orient themselves to such a pattern. As yet, there is no formal approximation between M / KD / SD, which is, however, in the direction of the key.
In practice, KD has already prepared such a step. In addition, both M and KD have placed the focus of opinion formation on issues that fit SD. The potential for some kind of approach seems to be there.
However, 50 years of party conflict is not eradicated in one hand. It is a neighborly task to formulate political proposals within the framework of the 73-point program that all four partnering parties can use to show that they stand up for their party's ideology.
The challenge will be when different views on taxes, the size of the public sector, labor market relations and equality between different groups of people and between different parts of the country are to be met.
So far, the party leadership has managed to find common denominators of the type "the whole of Sweden must live", but when the tax on tax is removed at the turn of the year, pressure will be great on S to deliver reforms that can appeal to the core voters.
If the Swedish economy slows down, will different ideological perspectives come to the surface and need to be dealt with - tax cuts or tax increases? Borrow for bets or cut down?
To the extent that the parties are stressed by the economy and pending traditional left-right issues, they may focus on less costly but symbolically charged valuation issues.
Migration, immigration, crime / punishment may then dominate political debate even more than they have done in the past year.
A symbolically charged area, which has had a relatively hidden place among voters, is foreign policy.
The Brexit chaos means that, if possible, EU issues will become even more important in the future. This could mean that the new Foreign Minister will be more EU-oriented than Margot Wallström's world political action.
However, this item is probably not something that in itself neither helps nor stifles cooperation between the partnering parties. To that end, the new political landscape after the winter landslides is too stable.