Yazdi to Larijani .. Who will sit on the throne of Iran?

Recently, the Iranian political scene was on the verge of a verbal war that was not without scourge and accusations of corruption, lying and religious incompetence between two prominent political and religious sides: Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi, head of the Qom scholastic school community, and Ayatollah Sadeq Larijani, head of the Expediency Council The regime, in a clear indication that the intensity of the political struggle to shape the future landscape of Iran has entered more severe levels in the corridors of the estate in Qom, where influencers are trying to strengthen their role in the line features of the next stage and pushing figures with them intellectually, while at the same time put obstacles and reduce the chances of personalities Other possesses of Qualities what makes them competitive and prominence.

In another, but not separate, arena, a different and influential image of Hojjatul Islam Raisi, the head of the judiciary, is being built and presented as an iron-clad man in the fight against corruption, leading a purge of the judicial body, a sign of a decision to make what Raisi lost in Presidential elections in terms of his political and popular status is redoubled through the judiciary and addresses such as the fight against corruption, a dilemma that strikes the pillars of Iran.

Yazdi-Larijani dispute

In another arena, General Suleimani's political presence is doubling in an unprecedented way. The Quds Force commander left the shadow commander who runs the tensions in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria and Lebanon, becomes more present in the domestic arena, and gives opinions on foreign and economic policy, and hardly passes. A week without a remarkable presence or statement to Soleimani. As the reformist movement tries to build a new / old equation that will return it to the political arena, the fundamentalist movement seeks to form alliances that strengthen its political presence, while Ahmadinejad moves with his current in a different way through which he tries to avoid the obstacle of the Guardian Council, and all this with the involvement of political parties in the preparation for more The 11th elections for the Shura Council and the first half-term elections for the fifth session of the Assembly of Experts are held in February 2020, followed by the 13th Iranian presidential election in May or June 2021. But what is happening in the Iranian political scene Any of the transformations gives indications that the next elections will be far from a fundamentalist-reformist, or a fundamentalist-moderate reformist, if not surpassing this dualism.

In a meeting with the Basij professors and elites in the Qom estate, Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi, a prominent figure in the teachers of the Qom scholar, launched a sharp attack on Iranian President Hassan Rouhani and the head of the Expediency Council, Ayatollah Sadeq Larijani. Accusing them of violating the leadership, and the inability to manage the affairs of the state, and called Rouhani to step down, criticized Yazdi message said: Larijani sent to the leader of the Islamic Revolution, threatening to leave for Najaf on the back of the arrest of personalities who worked with him while he was head of the judiciary, and accused him Yazdi incompetence Scientific and exploiting his family name to build a palace under the name Bunting, Yazdi and ridiculed the "Migration to Najaf" by saying: "Go! Do you go acoustical things in Qom? The effect were not in Qom, what will happen in Najaf ?!".

Despite Larijani's denial of the letter with an official statement issued by the Expediency Council and his strong denial that he threatened to leave for Najaf, this did not stop the attack against him, on the pages of fundamentalist newspapers and official television stations, and incitement letters to the head of the judiciary, Ibrahim Raisi, prompting Larijani. To respond to Yazdi with a more severe message, describing him as a "hypocrite" and "weaves lies," and questioned his competence to be a member of the Guardian Council, and considered that the attacks against him, especially on television, is "a pre-planned scenario" within "a larger project To tarnish his image. " Larijani had already been tarnished years ago when rumors surfaced accusing his daughter of spying for the UK. He said his chest was "a treasury of secrets for accusations by high-level political figures and members of the Iranian political elite.

Yazdi-Larijani's controversy raises many questions about its causes, especially since the two have already headed the judiciary, both members of the Guardian Council and the Expediency Council, both of whom are also teachers of the Qom scientific estate, and are both affiliated with the political spectrum closest to the leader of the Islamic Revolution. . Perhaps these dimensions led the school community of the Qom scientific community to issue a statement confirming that the positions and statements of the heads and members of the community that can be adopted and based on only published on the official website of the community. The repercussions of this confrontation involving influential figures in the Islamic Republic's system have led a group of students and elders of the Qom estate to deliver a cautionary speech to both, warning of the consequences that will not stop at their personal boundaries, and warning against dragging society into this confrontation. The letter recorded a set of notes before addressing both men in his name:

• There is no need to transfer the discussions of the Hawza students with figures like you who are the pillars of the regime, to the public sphere of society because their consequences will extend to Islam, the clergy, the revolution and the regime.
• The discussions of the Hawza students were always based on the axis of reasoning and thinking, not destruction, weakening and condemnation of the other.
• Given the upcoming elections (parliament and then the presidency) and all anti-revolutionary efforts to destroy the Guardian Council and destroy its oversight, it is by no means appropriate to deepen disputes and disputes in society.

The letter addressed Ayatollah Yazdi by saying: It was appropriate with regard to the letter that was refuted to be more scrutiny and investigation. It is also appropriate to express his criticism "with a suitable chest and tone, lest your statements increase the wolves that sharpened their teeth against the regime," and said: "The statement issued by the teacher community not to trust the unofficial statements attributed to you, is not enough and it was better to refute what was published In the media heavily. " "You are among the revolutionary scientists and belong to the house of high destiny," Larijani said.

• Since the teachers' community published a statement that the statements attributed to Ayatollah Yazdi were not considered and lacking in Sindh, it was expected to show greater chest capacity and respect the status and age of Ayatollah Yazdi.
• If you have remarks about Ayatollah Yazdi or his statements, why mention them on the pillars of the regime and the revolution?
• His hasty and outrageous message contained unsubstantiated accusations, and you were expected to be more keen on this aspect and take a more precise approach, especially since you assumed the post of head of the judiciary.
• He was well aware of the colonial effort to remove Ayatollah Yazdi from the Assembly of Experts, and it was appropriate to enter the field in a more careful manner so as not to provide fuel for anti-revolution.
• Even if your criticism is directed at Ayatollah Yazdi himself, your blunt criticism should not reach the sacred position of the teacher community.

This time the battle against Larijani is different from the attack by former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad against the family of Larijani, accusing it of corruption, but it certainly brings to mind that confrontation with the late Ayatollah Rafsanjani and his family, which Ahmadinejad took upon himself, a confrontation. Which created a divergence between the Revolutionary Leader and Rafsanjani, and made him until his death in attack, criticism and exclusion.

Today's confrontation clearly reveals a conflict between the political spectrums with the Larijani spectrum, and an endeavor by all means to remove this spectrum from the structure of power, weakening the position of the former head of the judiciary is not far from being a name on the list of candidates to succeed Khamenei, nor does it stand at the borders Larijani only endorsed and extended the future of his brother, Ali Larijani, who is expected to run for president in the next presidential election, and began to rapprochement with the reformist movement in an attempt to wrest his support as a candidate in this election. Farid Madrasi, a journalist specializing in the Hawza scientific affairs, writes on Telegram that the spread of Yazdi's talk and the focus on him and the creation of the Ayatollah Yazdi Our Voice signifies a political project hidden behind the publication of the statements, and that Ayatollah Yazdi facilitated this project. Telegram: The letter attributed to Larijani is unfounded and it was quoted on the AMED News website, which falsified the news. More importantly, the campaign to attack Larijani and its multiple arms, including state television, is that the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has lifted his protection from Larijani. The reformist Abdullah Nasseri argues that the main goal is to weaken his position and that the sunset of the Larijani family is approaching.

Fundamentalists and reformists: playing with old instruments

A few months have passed since the Shura Council elections, and the monitoring of the performance of the parties on the Iranian arena reveals the resort to the old tools in terms of alliances and the nomination of candidates, and the fundamentalist trend is still focused on personalities and unity of the current, it is clear that the well-known fundamentalist leaders will be absent from the competition arena in The upcoming elections, most notably: Haddad Adel, who previously presided over the Shura Council, but failed to gain a seat in the previous elections, as well as former MP, Ahmad Tavakoli, and Muhammad Reza Bahner, an influential figure in fundamentalist circles and Secretary General of the Society of Engineers, as Larijani shows a desire to run for the Shura Council.

For the first time, the name of the former Tehran mayor, Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, a member of the Expediency Council, is being circulated in the Shura Council elections. In a video message to the registration site of the parliamentary elections, there was talk of an independent list of upcoming elections. Qalibaf's candidacy has not been decided yet, but he seems to want to play a role in the election and seek to form a spectrum called the new fundamentalists. In order to show the features of the list of candidates, what is happening today indicates that the elders of the fundamentalist movement are engaged in the preparation and management of the elections, but they are retreating from the candidacy, giving way to names that may be new and young, with a greater role for the clergy in the process of unifying the fundamentalist rank and electing its candidates. However, many spectrums defined under major fundamentalist titles are still outside the united front of fundamentalists.

The reform movement is busy discussing alliances through which it can support a list of candidates, even if they do not belong to the political spectrum to overcome the problems of political exclusion suffered and suffered by the reformist movement for more than 15 years.

The party of construction cadres is trying to present a plan that did not leave the previous broad line, and the reformist movement is noticeably suffering from the dilemma of leadership, and despite Khatami's position, but figures within the movement moving away from him, accompanied by strategic confusion regarding priorities and slogans, and lack of effective mechanisms to deal with the situation Electoral exclusion by refusing to approve the nomination of representatives of the current in the elections. The poor performance of municipal reformers, the Shura Council and ministerial positions may deepen the dilemma of their electoral presence.

The Bharion: Ahmadinejad's Rabieu

Political literature in Iran has begun to give a name to the current trend of the former president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, outside the fundamentalist trend. The "Baharis / Spring" today is the trend of Ahmadinejad, which the fundamentalist movement is trying to attract. Although he came to power with clear fundamentalist support, Ahmadinejad was not fundamentalist in a strictly organizational sense, and the news of Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf's meeting with Ahmadinejad reinforced speculation of a new alliance between the two men. At the same time, while figures such as Hassan Ghafoori welcomed the possible return of Ahmadinejad, he said: "It is not possible to say: Mr. Ahmadinejad is out of the mainstream, but he took a sharp attitude with the revolution and even with the velayat-e faghih. However, Haddad Ali, the former speaker of the Shura Council and one of the most important figures in the fundamentalist unity council, holds a different view: "For eight years of his presidency, Ahmadinejad never once said that he was a fundamentalist. "He was separating himself from the fundamentalists, and we ran into him constantly."

It can be said that the possible return of Ahmadinejad even if it came in alliance with Qalibaf will not be within the title of fundamentalism, the man built during the past years discordant discourse of fundamentalist discourse, and can not be compared here the relationship between the fundamentalist movement and Ahmadinejad with that relationship between the fundamentalist movement and the reformist trend; The two tendencies are the long and divisive frontiers. Whatever the answer is, this is an answer that puts the fundamentalist current in sharp criticism. The fundamentalist movement tried to capitalize on Ahmadinejad's rush and presence to consolidate his position, but he eventually fell victim to incalculable support and became more or less responsible for Iran's domestic and foreign policy setbacks in Ahmadinejad's periods. Indeed, decades have passed without the fundamentalist current succeeding in delivering a presidential candidate. In spite of the support provided by the current to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, especially in its first presidential term, the lack of intellectual coherence and even contradiction between the parties were visible in many places.

Critics of Ahmadinejad said his current movement "sought to destroy the country's wealth in the shortest possible time, and attached great accusations to large personalities, and violated Iran's international agreements and obligations, and limited Iran's relations with a limited number of poor countries, and put them in an international impasse after another." Until recently, a number of Ahmadinejad's friends and supporters had turned against him and criticized him, but his popular base remained conservative in remote and remote areas, and among the disadvantaged and the poor in particular, and perhaps for many other reasons why many today are recalculating this trend and thinking of an alliance with him. . As he came to power, Ahmadinejad broke the closed-loop of the administration, weakened the power groups that controlled Iranian administrations, and today does the same to break the circle of political power groups. If Ahmadinejad is allowed to run or prevented from running in the Guardian Council sword, Iran will be on the verge of uncovering files and "exposing" issues that Ahmadinejad has long threatened to reveal.

Guard: Revolution and Politics

During the ten years of the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini, despite the attempts of the Guards to engage in electoral and political activity, the founder of the Islamic Republic remained opposed to this as contrary to the values ​​of the revolution, and until his death remained openly opposed to any political activity of the military, including the Revolutionary Guards, Seek that politics should not enter the armed forces so that the country remains safe. " "My strong will for the armed forces to behave in accordance with the rules of the regime, and not to engage in parties, groups and fronts, and absolutely, the armed forces, the guard, the mobilization forces or others, must not interfere in any way," says Ruhollah Khomeini. Party or group and stay out of the political game.

They can thus preserve their military power and make them immune to differences between groups. It is essential that leaders prevent persons under their leadership from entering the parties. Because the revolution for all the nation and its preservation is the duty of all, the state, the nation, the defense council, and the parliament have a religious and national duty to stand against the armed forces if they are contrary to the interests of Islam and the country, or to engage in parties or political games. The country is protected from harm. ”But“ the past political borders have been broken, ”says Mohammad Ali Jaafari.

Previous statements by Mohammad Ali Jafari on the day he was commander of the Revolutionary Guards in a symposium entitled: "Student, elections, participation to the maximum and national unity" hosted by the University of Trabit Moalem in Tehran years ago, and other statements issued by the Guards commanders, indications of a desire in the chest For years, playing a political role openly and directly, General Jafari says: "Today, the past political borders have been broken. Supporting the fundamentalist approach is a divine mandate."

The Guard wants to turn its success in the regional and defense arenas into political gains. The Quds Force figure may be the most qualified to reap the fruits due to his popularity and presence. The Republic is the place of this role.

summary

The state of political stampede continues on the Iranian scene, and the outcome of this stampede will be different, exceeding the polarity that Iran has witnessed politically for years. In line with the escalation in the relationship with the United States, and if the next composition of the Shura Council comes with a composition that satisfies the guard, and the next president Suleimani or another figure of the same framework, it remains to complete a very triangle row D of leadership will be guided in line intellectually and politically with this combination; it seems a major is more fortunate at this level. Comparing the performance of a man after taking over the judiciary with his performance during election days reveals a relentless pursuit of image of a president beyond the limits of the judiciary.

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This topic is from Al Jazeera Center for Studies.