Book and dialogue .. Boupakir talks about Bouteflika, Napoleon and Shazly and the mobility of Algeria

Islam Abdel-Hai-Algeria

Algerian journalist and writer Abdelaziz Boubakir said in a private interview with Al Jazeera Net that his new book, "Bouteflika, the Man of Destiny," delves into the personality of the outgoing Algerian president. He is being compared to Napoleon, the reasons for his stay in power for two decades and his relationship with the army during this period. Period, and also revealed the fate of the second part of the memoirs of the late President Shazly bin New.

He is one of the most prominent journalists in Algeria. His media experience has lasted for decades. He has been the editor-in-chief of a number of media organizations. He has worked in numerous articles that have covered various aspects of the life of the former president and formed the nucleus of Bouteflika's "Man of Destiny" Dialogue:

What is the content of the book and the most important points that have been exposed in the political life of Bouteflika?
The book is a collection of reflections and thoughts about the personality of former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, his view of governance, his concept of the state, and how he managed Algeria for 20 years. The book is of a nomadic nature, and it is about the Man of Destiny, and it is known in history that Napoleon Bonaparte, the Emperor of France, used to say, "I am the man of destiny" in the sense that fate has chosen him to rule France, Europe and the world.

Bouteflika was very sensitive to Napoleon's personality and ideas to the extent that he was imitating him in his movements and residences. At the same time, he considered himself the man of destiny, in the sense that fate chose him to be at the head of Algeria. But circumstances wanted him to emerge from power in a shameful way, Who was banished to the island of St. Helena (located in the Atlantic Ocean) and far from Europe and lived his deadly isolation on the island, there he noticed that he had misjudged him. "I have wronged myself when I thought I was a man of fate." The same story happened with Bouteflika. The end is that he erred in the age and made history wrong and made his own mistake.

When did you start writing this book?
In fact, it is not a book adaptation, but a collection of reflections and ideas in the form of articles, some written in 1999 - the year Bouteflika took power - some in 2002 and others recently, and collected these reflections in a book entitled "Bouteflika, the man of destiny," and will be published before the end of Ramadan .

Since the reflections and articles were previously published, why did not the book be published under Bouteflika?
Many of these articles were read by Bouteflika, who was a president, one of my readers and admirers of what I write. When I stopped writing, he asked his advisers where Bobakier was. The book included articles to illustrate Bouteflika's view of governance and its concept of the state and how he managed Algeria for 20 years.

How was Bouteflika's relationship with the army?
Bouteflika came from the army and was driven out of the narrow door by the army. The relationship between the two sides was hostile from the start. He exploited the army's confidence and turned against him. He always threatened the army leaders to expose their corruption and turn them into the International Court of Justice. This was his plan from the beginning, a coup against the guardians who came to him.

The first was his coup against General Khalid Nizar, the former defense minister, and then General Mohamed Madin (Tawfiq), the former intelligence chief, who had a big role in his arrival and handed over the keys of the presidential palace to him on a plate of gold.

Has Bouteflika succeeded in applying the slogan of political priority over the military?
During the 1956 Summit, the slogan of political priority was placed on the military, and the priority of the interior on the outside, but these two slogans were never applied. In the history of contemporary Algeria, the military took power in 1958 until now.

After Bouteflika's coup against some generals, he thought that the field was free of him. When he tried to remove the army leaders from the political arena, they turned against him and dragged him out of the narrow door.

How did Bouteflika stay in power for 20 years?
We have to know that Bouteflika is sick of power and did not hesitate to rule for two (10) years and hand over power, so the constitution was amended in 2008 to stay in power. He hoped to remain in power for life. To the high (tomb of the chiefs), but his dream was not fulfilled.

Bouteflika used the ideas of Mikiavelli in the manner of governance and dealing with men and with his surroundings and with the people, and in his depth despised the Algerian people, and considered his rule of Algeria from him to the people, and once said to those close to him how to love this people and I do not love him. Bouteflika is also a satisfactory condition that we must recognize.

How did Bouteflika deal with the opposition?
Bouteflika rejected any vocalist's voice and did not accept his opposition. Even the formal opposition either merged with him in formal rule or neutralized it, and during his rule there was no actual opposition.

What way out of the current crisis?
It is difficult to predict, and the equation of two parties, the popular movement and the army, for the movement is without leaders and representatives, but the slogans are unified and mobilized. If a group behind this movement is supposed to appear, they are asking the military for dialogue, but with whom you are talking?

Will we see a repeat of the Egyptian experience in Algeria?
I do not think this is repeated, because the Algerian movement was distinguished within the so-called Arab Spring with its peace and spontaneity and the absence of a clear leadership, so repeat the Egyptian scenario is completely excluded.

The Algerian army is committed to the constitution and the protection of the popular movement. It also retains the experience of 1992 to stop the electoral process and the violence it has been subjected to. It does not want the same experience to be repeated and again against the people.

The army wants to accompany this movement, so I think that the occasional slogans against the army establishment are unfounded, and the army's protection of the movement and the arrest of the heads of corruption are a source of pride.

By virtue of the friendly relationship that brings you together with Ahmed Talib Brahimi, did you offer him the leadership of the transitional period?
Brahimi knows him well, and told me personally that it is impossible to rule and succeed him from the curtain, and here the army means, he will not lead any stage and will not accept the presidency of Algeria, neither as an elected president nor as president of a transitional period. The six candidates for presidential elections.

In addition to the fact that he is a person who ascends in politics and withdraws and will not return to it, and his advanced age (87 years) does not allow him to take power.

What is the fate of the second part of the memoirs of the former president Shazly bin New?
The second part of the memoirs was handed over to the publishing house four years ago in both Arabic and French and has not been issued, so the question should be asked to the publishing house and the Shazli family, as well as to the party that prevented him from power.

I think that the issue is practically in the hands of the late President Shazli Ben Nadeed Halima, who has spoken with her recently and is still reluctant to publish it.

One of the reasons for the ban is to devote a full chapter to the conversation about Bouteflika's relationship with Shazli and former President Houari Boumediene.

How was the outgoing president's relationship with Shazli?
Bouteflika and Shazli were members of the Revolutionary Council, both close to the late President Houari Boumediene.

Bouteflika continued to accuse the army of seizing power and handing over to Shazli Bennid, and in many of his sermons he was insulted by a new son who was not fit for his position. President of the Republic.

But Shazly met Bouteflika's invitation at national events, why?
Let me clarify an important point. At first, Shazli did not meet the call to ask me once when I received an invitation from Bouteflika to mark the anniversary of the liberation revolution on November 1. I told him, regardless of your relationship with Bouteflika and what he said in you, you have to go because November is not Novembrek, not November, and then he began to attend the celebrations of November 1 and June 5 dedicated to the anniversary of independence, but his presence was only apparent, but in depth their relationship was tense.

Popular Mobility Free many sectors, do you also edit the writing field?
The popular movement freed the Algerians from fear and became their specific political demands. It was supposed to have liberated the writing, but so far no works have appeared, because it is too early for the emergence of works in the level of mobility.

What is your reading of the current media scene in Algeria?
It is a pathetic scene. The level of media has descended into a frightening decline. It has been promoting false news and manipulating minds in a flagrant way. The media in Algeria is governed by two forces: politics and finance, subject to these two powers.

In fact, the media lacks the professionalism, professionalism and ethics of the profession, which is the basis of the media work, while at the same time journalists suffer from the problems of professional and social number and countless, and most of the composition is weak. They are clogged with sources of news, prompting the press to speculate, and some sources have been manipulating journalists.

In your opinion, why this decline in the level of Algerian media?
The press is not separate from what happened in Algeria. During the birth of the media pluralism in Algeria in the early 1990s, the press was an intellectual adventure. There were big names at the head of the newspapers, and then the level began to decline until we reached what we are now.