United Kingdom and Gibraltar European Union membership referendum
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In the tabloid "Sun", the Prime Minister read this morning what some of her own people think about her. And on the front page. "Time's up, Theresa", was written in big letters - "Time is up".
It is not that wrong. After this turbulent weekend at the latest, there is little doubt that Theresa May will not have too much of a future ahead of the British head of government. And this despite the fact that behind the recent supposed coup attempt was probably a propaganda maneuver of their opponents hid.
On Sunday, two British newspapers reported in unison that May should be forced to resign on the following day. As interim successor, David Lidington, May's quasi-deputy, and Environment Minister Michael Gove were traded.
Only: Both Lidington and Gove denied promptly, other cabinet members rejected the rumors. That's not surprising. Because as long as nothing is clear in the Brexit chaos, hardly anyone envies May for their job. No revolt, then. For now.
Video: Opposition attacks May
UK PARLIAMENTARY RECORDING UNIT / HANDOUT / EPA-EFE / REX
Because it is clear: May's situation seems more hopeless than ever. Her authority in the Cabinet is gone, her eternal rolling course has plunged the country into chaos. Meanwhile, her resignation is not only a fantasy of radical Brexit ultras, but is openly discussed as a concrete contribution to the solution in London's political drama.
And that would go like this: The Prime Minister should promise her early departure, then their opponents would still vote for the Brexit deal of the head of government. It would be May's biggest prize for the regular EU exit.
"No doubt," many people did not want May as prime minister in the next phase of negotiations with the EU, says Nigel Evans on Monday morning, a leading Tory Brexiter. But the British are far from that.
Instead, the various camps simply can not free themselves from the impasse into which they have maneuvered themselves. Example: May fears, it is said, that an early resignation promise could cost her the necessary leverage to get a majority in the deal. At the same time, more and more Tory politicians are making the prospect of May's departure a condition for their approval.
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The Prime Minister continues to do what she has done so often in recent years: she does not commit herself. As she heads to parliament on Monday afternoon, she admits: "As things stand, there is still insufficient support in the House of Commons to bring the agreement to a third vote."
It remains questionable whether May will bring their deal at all this week. That's quite remarkable. For it is a - although probably not definitive - condition of the EU for the Brexit postponement until May 22, that the British ratify the withdrawal agreement in the coming days.
Does May still have a strategy?
What is May going to do now? Does she have any strategy at all? Many observers have long since found no answer. Last week, May had emphasized that she was not to be the head of government for a long Brexit postponement. Now she says, if need be, you'll have to ask for it. Lastly, she had always warned against leaving without a deal, and now states, "If this house does not agree, there will be no no deal." Yes, what is it?
As if the situation were not chaotic enough four days before the once official Brexit date, MEPs are now to say how they would like to proceed. In the evening they can decide if they themselves want to take over part of the control in the Brexit process. In other words, if they vote for a motion, they could check out the House of Commons on Wednesday, whether there is a majority for any scenario. In test votes, it would probably be about the question of a second referendum or a closer EU partnership including membership in the Customs Union. It would be a very important democratic step for the United Kingdom, where the government usually determines the agenda.
The above options would put the government before the next dilemma. Finally, they contradict the Brexit announcements in the election program of the Tories. The hardliners will therefore hardly support them. And the potential division of her party has always been one of May's greatest concerns, sometimes seemingly even greater than the search for a rational political solution.
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May also says, "No government could give a blank check for a commitment to a result without knowing what it is."
Anyway, it's not said that there could be a majority for any variation in the test votes at all. In the end May could still submit their deal, for example on Thursday.
Twice she has already crashed with a crash. The problem was always: If May content goes to the Brexit hardliners and urges a withdrawal without an agreement, threatening rows withdrawing Proeuropäern from the Cabinet. If she is looking for a bipartisan majority, such as for a softer Brexit, she bounces off her EU enemies. On Sunday evening, May had invited the most important Brexit hardliners. For three hours they spoke at the country residence of the Prime Minister in Checkers. Without a result.
The question is: So what should be different this time? In a few days is the time pressure, the lack of alternatives? Or is it ultimately May who offers her resignation?
In his Telegraph column, ex-Foreign Minister Boris Johnson demanded "convincing evidence" over the weekend that talks about future relations with Brussels would be different from previous negotiations.
It was the words of the man who is considered to be a top contender for May's succession.