[Report File] Will the Minister's Personal Emotions Shake the Rule of Law?

It is said that these days, Justice Minister Choo Mi-ae's feelings toward Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol go beyond dislike and hostility, and are more of hatred.

It wasn't good from the start, but now I've crossed a river that can't be completely returned.

At the beginning of his inauguration, if he had been at the level of'listen to me' until he rebuked him for "rebelling against his name," the story of politically savvy officials is that it is now closer to'see the end'.

Originally, he was famous for being sensitive and strict in being challenged by his authority from below, but it has been a long time since he has surpassed that level.

Several anecdotes during the time as the party's representative are famous.

When the then-secretary chief Lim Jong-suk publicly criticized the position of the head of the situation headquarters as the person he wanted during the 2017 presidential election camp in Moon Jae-in, he showed a determination to ask him to come in and apologize to Mr. Lim, who was considered to be the real world.

A small controversy over the core staff, who was even called his own regret, was stiff, referring to the "heart of the townsman" publicly.

In front of such Minister Chu, it is regrettable that Yun seems to have no intention of bending even if he dies soon.

Even amid the controversy related to him, it sounds boring that the minister suspects that it is'the actions of President Yoon' even in matters that seem not particularly related to President Yoon.

Chu

It is difficult to list one by one, but the scene that took place at the National Assembly a while ago was a scene that clearly revealed the feelings of Minister Chu toward President Yoon.

Minister Chu's answer to almost all inquiries, including the Daejeon District Prosecutor's Office's decision to close the Wolseong nuclear power plant early, and special expenses for the prosecution, resulted in'Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol'.

The opposition lawmaker asked, "Do you have anything to say except for the Prosecutor General?" and finally, the same party's preliminary committee chairman Jeong Seong-ho asked for cooperation, saying, "Please hear all the questions and answer them."

It wasn't the judiciary committee or the great swordsman's audit of the state affairs, but from some point in the gaze of the minister, Yoon seemed to keep groaning.

It is fortunate to say that, but the problem is that Minister Chu is the Minister of Justice with great power.

Until before, the Minister of Justice's exercise of command and command of investigation and orders of the prosecutor general to the prosecutor general had been understated as much as possible.

The power's attempts to subordinate the prosecution were consistently negative and positive, but they had political weight and implications as the least symbolic bastion that guaranteed the prosecution's neutrality.

There was only one exercise of command and order of the prosecution before Minister Chu, and each time the prosecutor general took the position.

The weight is nowhere near the minister's orders.

In all three weeks, four inspection orders were issued, and the investigation command power was invoked at least two times.

Originally the first is difficult, the next is easy.

This has only happened in the last month or two.

At first, there were many views of the Minister's rightful command and supervision on the abuse of President Yoon's authority.

However, as the exercise of authority is repeated, the atmosphere is more and more people accepting it as a'emotional treatment' of Minister Chu rather than'democratic control over the runaway prosecution power'.

In a survey jointly conducted by four public opinion polling institutions including Korea Research earlier this month, 36% of the opinions that'Minister Choo Mi-ae is more responsible' in the conflict between the Ministry of Justice and the Great Swordsman said that'Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol is more responsible' (24 %).

It didn't happen just a few months ago.

It is said that citizens also feel tired.

Among them, the card that Minister Chu took out on Thursday (11/12) deserves a record as a record-breaking handshake.

In connection with the alleged attempts to be compelled by Channel A, Prosecutor Han Dong-hoon mentioned the fact that he did not submit a password for his mobile phone, and announced that he ordered'review of legislation that enforces password submission and sanctions in case of non-compliance'.

○ In addition, in the case of a suspect in the Channel A case, Dong-hoon Han, a researcher at the Legal Affairs Training Institute, if the suspect maliciously hides the mobile phone password and interferes with the investigation, refer to foreign legislation such as the UK and enforce it under certain conditions such as court orders and sanctions in case of non-compliance. hayeoteum instructed to review the legislation that

is immediately criticized around the legal poured.

This is because it meant that the last Lee Myung-bak administration would actually pursue the'judicial obstruction crime', which was abolished by opposition from various circles.

The following day, criticism was made by the'lawyer meeting for democratic society', the solidarity of participation, and the Seoul bar association.

As in the past, the intention was to violate human rights and to be unconstitutional, and to go against the reform of the prosecution.

In addition to the immediate withdrawal, intense criticism followed by demanding the Minister's apology to the public.

Academia even responded that it was absurd.

Even the ruling party lawmakers from Minbyun voiced opposition.

It was Jachungsu.

He burned it for a while trying to catch Han Dong-hoon.

As the criticism continued, the Ministry of Justice gave a supplementary explanation that not only the case of Han Dong-hoon, but also the'n-room case' was in the background of the bill the next day.

Jo Joo-bin, the main culprit of the'n-room case', mentioned the case of delayed investigation due to not cooperating with unlocking the mobile phone, and re-emphasized the necessity of promoting the law.

On the first day, when he was criticized after mentioning only the case of Han Dong-hoon, there was nothing to say even though it seemed as if it had drawn a plausible argument of'the nth room incident'.

Despite the fact that the Channel A case, which has not yet been identified, and the'N-room case', which is an anti-human crime, were not said to be promoting such a bill at the time of the case of Room n, the Ministry of Justice did not give any answer. .

It may be so, but because of the political need to'eliminate static', if the case of Room n was used as a tool, it would be inevitable to criticize it as the worst case.

Around the Ministry of Justice, there is a saying that Minister Chu has lost his composure.

Some view the moment as a prosecutor's investigation into the suspicion of his son.

Unfortunately, it was about that time that the minister's mistakes continued.

Such cases include the recent exercise of investigation and command authority, successive orders of inspection, and suspicion of special activity expenses that have been revealed to be close to'waste'.

Inside the prosecution, the so-called ‘coming out’ remark of Minister Chu is considered a decisive defeat.

When a review prosecutor posted a post stating that the prosecution reform was unsuccessful, Minister Chu cited an article mentioning the prosecutor, saying, "Okay, if you come out like this, reform is the only answer."

To put an analogy, when a rating officer at a large company posts a critical article against the company's policy, the chairman mentions the employee on his SNS and says, "Let's see."

In fact, it was a case that caused the prosecution's internal members who supported him to turn his back on a large number by defining the entire prosecution as an enemy.

I am not just talking about this case.

Not so long ago, there were not few public opinions criticizing Prosecutors General Yoon Seok-yeol or Prosecutor Han Dong-hoon.

It has reached a point where it is difficult to discern whether General Yoon's'do not bend' is for himself or for the neutrality of the prosecution, and Prosecutor Han Dong-hoon's refusal to submit a password can reflect his argument that he is "innocent" even if there is no legal problem. When there is enough ethical criticism.

Nevertheless, it seems that Minister Chu himself is narrowing his position through successive mistakes.

Nowadays, it is said that there are only a few high-ranking prosecutors from Yeouido near the minister.

Many people are concerned that the minister's personal feelings or hostility toward some of the prosecutions represented by Yoon Seok-yeol and Han Dong-hoon are covering the minister's eyes.

At some point, the word prosecution reform came into being, and the word Chu-yoon conflict became familiar.

At this point, it is confused whether it is the prosecution reform or the Yoon Seok-yeol reform.

The politician's anger was said to be a driving force to fight absurdity, but in the end it would cover his eyes and prevent correct judgment.

Your feelings are your own mind.

However, the damage eventually goes to the people and the country.

Even more so when it comes to the story of the Minister of Justice in a country governed by law.