The European Union (EU) intends to compensate part of Britain's EU gap for the disadvantages of Brexit with a total of more than € 5 billion in adjustment aid.
According to a proposal presented by the European Commission last month, the EU will set up a "Brexit Adjustment Reserve" for this purpose outside its actual budget.
The purpose of the instrument is to distribute Brexit adjustment support to all Member States in a "solidarity-maintaining" solidarity relationship in line with the Brexit losses incurred by each Member State.
However, the funds distributed as adjustment support do not come from heaven, but come from the same source as all the other resources distributed by the EU: the Member States.
It is therefore a question of offsetting brexit losses between the Member States and not of compensating all the losses for all the Member States.
The Commission's proposal, which is closer to 50 pages in length, with annexes describing complex granulation criteria, does not say a word about the financing of Brexit credits.
Therefore, the third party should be allowed to assume that the costs will be shared according to the same apportionment ratios as in the EU budget and in the off-budget justified coronary recovery fund.
With this assumption, it is clear that for some Member States there are far more Brexit credits going out than they have to pay for them.
And that some countries again pay more than they receive.
As usual, Finland belongs to the latter group of solidarity net payers, although in this arrangement the share of the payer is more solid than usual.
Finland pays five euros per euro
The European Commission's proposal to set up a Brexit adjustment reserve, together with its annexes, describes the purpose of the scheme, its principles and the rather unclear criteria for allocating credits.
But the proposal does not indicate how large or small amounts of aid would be expected for each Member State.
No information on the amounts can be found in other Commission publications.
Instead, the sums - or at least outlines of the sums - can be found in the messaging service maintained by the U.S.-listed Twitter and on the company’s website.
EU Commissioner for Cohesion and Reform Elisa Ferreira last week published a table on the benefits of Brexit credits for the information of her own Twitter followers.
If the table published in this way is genuine and keeps itching, it is planned to send EUR 14 million of the EUR 4 billion Brexit credits planned for this year to Finland.
Finland's share of the total compensation pot would thus be about 0.34 per cent, or just over a third of one per cent.
If Finland pays the same share of this support as about 1.7 per cent of the EU membership fees, the "efficiency" of Finland's Brexit credits will be even lower than usual.
A schematic 1.7 per cent share of the four billion euros would require Finland to pay EUR 68 million instead of EUR 14 million.
Thus, Finland pays approximately five euros for each euro arriving in the country as a Brexit adjustment.
Alongside this, Finland survives the EU Corona Recovery Fund, for example, relatively little, as Finland pays only two euros for each "euro" returned to the country.
But this division of five euros per euro, which seems disproportionate in Finnish terms, does not in itself prove the fairness or injustice of the Brexit adjustment reserve planned by the EU.
Solidarity pays off
The method of distribution envisaged and described in detail by the Commission emphasizes the value of each Member State's trade in goods and services with Britain and their change during the Brexit process.
Britain's foreign trade statistics show that in the second year Finland was ranked 33rd in the EU's trading partners and 17th in the EU. Finland's own customs statistics show that trade with Britain did not shrink significantly in 2017-19, during which the Commission measures brexes. .
In addition, the distribution formula envisaged by the Commission relates Member States' calculated brexit losses in a multi-generational and abruptly complex way to a number of other variables, such as per capita national income, some of which have no obvious link to the British trade or brexit effects.
All cost or subsidy credits from EU countries that measure national income or per capita national income automatically place Finland among the payers, as Finland is richer than the average member state in almost any measurement method.
Linking Brexit losses and compensation to national income disparities may seem special, but it should reflect the Commission's willingness to seize this opportunity to further the EU's overall objectives, such as harmonious convergence and cohesion.
According to the Commission, the whole Brexit rebate scheme is essentially a matter of solidarity between Member States.
And when it comes to money, someone has to pay for solidarity.