Supreme Party of Spain

Judges don't just examine whether something happened or not. They also interpret according to the available laws the punishment that deserves a conduct or if a conduct conforms to the laws. The determination of whether an event happened is based on objective reasons, with little room for interpretation. In the rest of the legal work the margin for interpretation increases. The Supreme Court has issued politically important sentences in recent months on which the drastic black or white of the facts cannot easily be projected. Among them are those that condemned La Manada and the one that authorized the eviction of Franco's mummy. And the final judgment of the Process.

In all three cases the main problem of the Supreme has not been the facts. Without altering the factual account, the Supreme Court considered that what happened in Pamplona was not a sexual abuse but a group rape. Previously other judges did not share that qualification. On the fact that Franco is dead, doubts only enter when the left speaks; but alive or dead what is left of him is still buried in the Valley of the Fallen. The Supreme has said that the Government has the right to get him out of there and bury him somewhere else. It's great news that the left bury Franco . For the rest I write to you without having read the sentence on the facts that the nationalist prisoners carried out. No one who rules can have doubts about the existence of these facts. The heads of certain democratic institutions decided to break the law that gave them action and meaning and tried to implement, without success, a new order with their own legal activity and the organized force of the mass that was faithful to them. From the beginning of the indictment the discrepancies focused on how the Supreme should punish the people who participated in the events. The fork ranged from the mere disobedience accepted by the defenses - in the trial there were defenses and there were accomplices - to the rebellion demanded by the Prosecutor's Office. In the exact center of the fork, and sponsored by the Government through the State Advocacy, is the sedition. If the Supreme Court opted for it in this last lawsuit, it would confirm with its irrevocable prestige the governmental thesis on these three key issues of the public conversation: the negative discrimination applied to the presumption of innocence, the revisionism that embodies the so-called Historical Memory and the limitation to public disorder of the activity planned, ordered and carried out by the Government of the Generalitat of Catalonia.

We must despise the neighborhood explanations about the coincidences between Supremo and Government. It is true that Pedro Sánchez appointed a Minister of Justice capable of pressuring an Italian colleague to amend the law dictated by the Spanish Justice and the Italian Justice, regarding the case of the criminal Juana Rivas. But the incident only reveals an anecdotal hysterical and tacky character. The Government, on the other hand, has no need to pressure the Supreme, because, generically speaking, the Supreme thinks the same as the Government and the opposite of what marginal beings think as, for example, myself. The mainstream protects and excludes, fulfilling its obligation. How Spanish socialism has been building and leading that mainstream - and has remained in it, even practicing state crime - is a matter of vicious interest. Today I will limit myself, for your teaching, to trace in some of its origins from the successful coincidence of the beginning - to the end! - of my reading of the four volumes of the History of the Second Spanish Republic , the work of José Pla, also known as Josep Pla. I will have the opportunity to talk to you in depth about this book, which has been modestly hidden by many people, starting with its own author, that great coward. Today I will just tell you that after El Quadern Gris is his most important book, and he tempts and weighs well the adjective. In the first pages Pla deals briefly with the Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. And on the relationship between socialism and the Dictatorship he writes this very measurable paragraph: "The contacts between dictatorship and socialism became so notorious that during all this period they constituted in the demo-liberal environment that was fighting the dictatorship for a reason for scandal. It is natural, then, that in the conspiracies and plots that characterized this period, few socialist names are found, at the moment, these elements are in no hurry to bring down what they confidently call "the abject fascism." But when, among the years 1928-29, the petty-bourgeois mass of opposition to the Dictatorship was visibly increased, the Party highlights Prieto [Indalecio] in the outposts of the strictly political movement, and thus, sometimes using the State Councilor [was appointed by Primo] and others to the impetuous revolutionary of Bilbao, the Socialist Party becomes the geometric place of all Spanish political life. " The temptation to extend the conduct of the Socialist Party to the abject fascism of the Franco Dictatorship and its subsequent successes in the Transition is really hard to resist. One hundred years of honesty and forty on vacation is one of the great socialist slogans of our time. But my intention now is another and refers to the embedding of socialism in the intimate structure of Spanish politics , regardless of the circumstances that have passed (dictatorships, democracies) and regardless of the people (statesmen or adventurers) who have directed it . The coincidence of the Supreme in its last three decisive sentences with the point of view of socialism - the only difference is that the magistrates of the Supreme are slightly more Spanish than the socialists outside the walls - is much more than a coincidence. It is the articulated metaphor of that conviction that the Socialists sometimes exhibit: that the Psoe is the party that most resembles Spain. Although perhaps it is time to correct it in a more precise sense and write that Spain is the country that most resembles the Psoe. It has to be for something that party has survived, and successfully, Zapatero and Sánchez. A piece of the same wood.

While the letter is last, the news websites announce that the Supreme Court will condemn nationalist prisoners for sedition. A sedation Nothing guarantees that the truth is in the equidistant center . There lies the truth au point , which they also call "reason." An interpretation An opinion. A belief! The one that the government wanted and the one that Spain wanted. I can't wait to hear the friendly Marchena say to Pedro Sánchez, in the manner of that Torcuato Fernández Miranda: "I am in a position to offer the President what he has asked of me." And add: "And when you asked me to."

Keep your path blind.

TO.

According to the criteria of The Trust Project

• Supreme Court
• Spain
• Pedro Sanchez
• PSOE
• Valley of the Fallen

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