The “last generation” will not give up that easily.

She wants to expand her radius of action and take it to "every town and every village".

If they succeed, the "civilian resistance" will accompany the Germans for a while.

The protest movement now has the financial and logistical means to do so.

Or is the expansion just a sign of mass rather than class?

On the other hand, the fact that the protest movement is supported by sympathies that it does not only enjoy among the younger generation speaks against it.

They are likely to be at least as big as those for the “Fridays for Future” movement, which, however, is not being heard of much anymore.

This, too, will strengthen the “Last Generation” in their zeal.

These old and new forms of protest will be all too familiar to the Greens.

What is new for them is the experience that they themselves are now being forced into the role of those they used to fight against, the "conservatives".

They are now because they have adapted to good (parliamentary) practice, to the 'system'.

That also means compromises included, also in energy and climate policy.

How adapted are the Greens?

In Lützerath, this political assimilation led to a confrontation between the climate movement and the Greens for the first time.

The party is seen as a traitor by young radicals.

If "adapted" Greens want to escape this accusation, they have to practice the art of demonstrating at the edge of the brown coal mine against the resolutions that they themselves previously supported in parliaments, even brought about.

Prime example: coal phase-out not only in 2038, but already in 2030.

So scorn and malice are safe for the Greens.

However, there is a good portion of injustice in this from two sides.

The eco-radical critique overlooks the fact that the Greens have achieved more than the student and street protests are likely ever to achieve.

You don't have to list them all;

Much of this may be open to criticism.

However, the fact that Germany is geared towards climate neutrality has not been achieved by schoolchildren, students or superglue, but by the old hands of the Greens.

The method of adapting to the customs of the parliamentary republic has paid off for them.

And vice versa, the same applies: The customs have proven themselves.

A feat in the name of compromise

To pour ridicule on the Greens because this development goes the way of all willingness to compromise, namely having to live with contradictions, is a bit of bigotry.

Defending the compromise with RWE against the protests in Lützerath is an achievement that demanded something from the Greens in particular.

They are therefore accused of hypocrisy.

But the biggest critics of the moose are some themselves: hypocrisy here too.

Yesterday's conservatives are not much better at this than today's young radicals.

Yesterday's conservatives just don't have the heart to make their peace with the Greens, even though these Greens are almost more integrated than they are. Only the FDP, as an established party, still dares to offer the Greens a credible and clear alternative in climate policy to oppose.

The Greens are so burdened by their willingness to compromise that they are likely to fall back into old patterns: the phase-out of nuclear power will once again become an uncompromising question of faith.

What are the radicals' goals?

Today's radicals, on the other hand, hold the Greens up to their utopia without ever bearing any responsibility or even asking themselves the question: What are our goals and how do we want to achieve them?

Because of this, and not because of a lack of sympathy among the population, they are likely to fail.

But if the goals come to the fore, the institutions and orderly channels also become attractive, see the career of the Greens.

Instead, for the “last generation” uncompromisingness is at the top of the agenda.

“Fridays for Future” once started in a similar way, if not quite as radically.

At that time there was no talk of “climate extremists” or even “climate terrorists”.

There's just a difference between playing truant from school and staying on the street and committing crimes.

However, the stigmatization of climate activists is no less radical (not to say extreme).

It's not exactly a badge of confidence in the attractiveness of the institutions it claims to be defending.

After all, the "extremists" refer, even if perhaps erroneously, to the Federal Constitutional Court and not to the world revolution.

If this is the first step in the Greens' footsteps, they shouldn't be pushed back.

The fact that the climate activists now want to expand to all of Germany does not change that.

There they will be asked even more than at the crossroads of the big cities, what they actually aim and want to achieve.

If you want to answer the question honestly, the path does not lead in the direction of the soviet republic ("social councils"), as the "Last Generation" has now suggested.

After the villages and towns, all that remains for you is the way to the parliaments of the republic.

Then you have to be able to do more than daub paintings or stick hands on them.

The Greens did it.